South Asia India- 1200s-1800s History

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History of India (1200-1800)


Beginning 13th Century to 18th Century [IN01]


India Quotes , Extracts, and Subjugated Knowleges

I’m keenly aware in History of how subjugated knowledges pass through the apex of erudite knowledges  which appear as representative of genealogies that are nothing more than grey areas of truths. – Michael Johnathan McDonald.


Edward Said claimed that only the English created categories of Hindus for the purpose of discourse to control --  India by subjugated knowelges. However, in India at least 1000 BC., categories existed as set in stone by the Indians. Some of these categories are as follows: people on the hinterlands, jungles, arable tracts, sea. Etc… The British brought this back into the dialogue of India, but they did not create the dialogic pedigree.

  • Orientalism according to Edaward Said is any judgment with the preface of distinction. Even a compliment is considered Orientlaism if one distinguishes something from something else.

Definitional control is a process by which a ruler circulates knowledge, locality of globally for rulership purposes.

Michael  Foucault Argues  “ Thus the  logic of strategy cannot in itself entail any necessary coherence whatever.” In other words, a history cannot be based on the concept of strategy” ( power/knowledge 252).  Then Foucault says “ We should direct our researches […] towards strategic apparatuses” (102).  Michael Foucault typical contradictions lies in that during his French neo- liberal movements in France he chose to follow a crowed that chose not to use definitions, because they would be held accountable for them later on. Therefore, he argues the same material over entire lectures and courses, seemly to ramble incoherently, to sometimes logically, but distaining logic, or contradicting his thoughts all at the same time.


  1. Jagir a medieval system of assigning land and its rent as annuity to state functionaries. Jagir is a Persian term meaning land assigned.
  2. Farman Mughāl constitutional term meaning an irrevocable royal decree issued by the emperor.
  3. Diwani provincial revenue administration system under the Mughāls and an early mechanism of the establishment of Company rule in Bengal. The Mughāl provincial administration had two main branches - nizamat and diwani. Broadly speaking, nizamat meant civil administration and diwani, revenue administration.
  4. India and Indians were central to the rise and demise of Britain's global empire. Britain and Britons were central to the emergence and final shape of the Indian nation-state.
  5. Pir - Farsi pīr: an old man; a founder or chief of a religious group or sect.
  6. Villages in 20th century not in 1780s the villages were on the move.
  7. Territorially, vatan referred to either a person’s “habitual-place” - or originary home (vatan-i asli). – Or settling place.
  8. Diwan the connotation of the word diwan has undergone much changes in the history of the Muslim rulers. Umar, the second khalifah of Islam first introduced the diwan. He made an elaborate system of granting pension to the Muslims. The pension roll and the office for this pensionary account was called the diwan. In the sultanate period of Delhi, the diwan stood for a department of administration, much the same as the present ministry, for example the diwan-i-wazarat (the department of wazir), diwan-i-Arz (military department in charge of recruitment and payment of salaries) etc. (banglapedia) In the Ottomans it was the Imperial council, called divan. In other words it was the department of the ruling body, except the king always has the ultimate authority in decision makings. Divan translated as a ‘couch [sofa].’ Sometimes the word means couch in Turkish writings of the Ottoman period. (mjm)
  9. In the Mughāl period, the term diwan stood for a person, the head of the revenue department, and the office was known as diwani; the head of the branches of the revenue department was also known as diwan, for example, Diwan-i-tan. The head of the revenue department of the subahs or provinces was also known as diwan. During the time of akbar the diwan of provinces was made independent of the subahdar (head of administration), still later, the provincial government was divided into nizamat (general administration) and diwani (revenue department). In Bengal murshid quli khan was the last great and important diwan appointed by the last great Mughāl emperor aurangzeb. Murshid Quli Khan united both the offices of nazim and diwan under him, and this position continued up to the end of the Muslim rule. [Abdul Karim]. (banglapedia)
  10. Zamindar The term zamindar (from the Persian zamin or land, and dar which is an inflexion of the verb dashtan, denoting to have, hold or possess) has passed into the historical vocabulary of medieval India to signify the superior landed interest. Zamindars during the Mughāl period came to denote all rent receivers above the actual cultivators. (banglapedia)
  11. The zamindars in whose territories the jagir mahals were located were allowed a proportionate reduction of their share of general assessment. The holders of jagirs were called jagirdars. Socially, jagirdars were superior to zamindars with the exception of zamindars of the chakladar cadre. (banglapedia)
  12. Raiyat a nomenclature used customarily and legally for the peasantry of Bengal during the Mughāl and British periods, but in its widest sense, also used for subjects of the state and of the ruling classes. (banglapedia)
  13. Eugene F. Irschick, a Berkeley Professor, stated November 28, 2005 that India prior to the British never practiced private ownership of land. One needs to ask the questing did the concept then ever enter discourse?
  14. According to much of the shari’ah ownership belongs only to God, and his regent, the ruler on earth. Therefore, everything in theory, but hardly practiced in reality, owns nothing. This is pure communism, and possible was a part of the western communist philosophies that arose in the 17-18th century writings. However, communism and its concepts are as old as history itself and were argued in the west from the onset of recorded materials. Bacon, and Moore had their own views in these regards – and many more.
  15. Eugene F. Irschick ultimately that ‘discourse’ (Foucaultian)  controlled and conquered India. This ties into their past according to him, that India was some-how a socialist/caste ideology and that Gandhi’s ‘ solution,  from traditional India because he didn’t know, was formulated into a western perspective of ‘ little republics’ with private property. Probably because ideology of socialism, expressed by Marx is that all races get along in this system therefore no need for private property which is/was never the case in all studies, or in fact worse in many cases.
  16. Zamindars never really owned land, but it was hereditary. Zamindars had developed themselves as practical landlords and the position became hereditary.
  17. In the colonial period, the Zamindar's property rights were conditional; the colonial state honoured the rights of the Zamindars as long as they paid the revenue. Thus the actual tillers were never in the scene. They were only as the tenants of their masters or otherwise worked for their masters in their land. Soon after the independence in most of the areas this land was conveniently appropriated by the Zamindars as their private property. (George).
  18. In relation to the intellectual public domain, the commons appears to be an idea about democratic processes, freedom of speech, and the free exchange of information. The term "commons," however, has various histories, from property to shared spaces to notions of democratic ideals. It refers to the house of British Parliament representing nontitled citizens, and agricultural fields in England and Europe prior to their enclosure. In the United States, commons refers to public spaces such as the New England town square, campus dining halls, and concepts of the "common" good.16 In almost all uses, the term has been contested. In the realm of legal property rights, the publication of Ancient Law by Henry Sumner Maine17 in 1861 set off a major debate about the origin of the very concept of property in ancient times.18 Drawing on his own extensive research in India and the research of others on early European communities, Maine argued that joint ownership by families and groups of kin (in other words, common property) was more likely the initial property regime in most parts of the world than the notion of property owned by a single individual.19 This great debate was not simply one between historians over whether common property or individual private property came first. Rather, the debate framed a perspective on whether landed proprietors have a special role in society that needed protection and the legitimacy of enclosing properties owned communally. The debate started long ago and is still not fully resolved. A major textbook on property law devotes the entire first chapter to The Debate over Private Property and the second chapter to The Problem of the Commons.20 ( Hess)
  19. common-pool goods: therefore, the Marxist and other extreme left groups,  the English and Scottish destroyed India by infecting it with notions of private property. Working hard to have a little piece of your own private heaven in hell ( earth) was a no-no to the extreme leftist. One must continue to live in hell. This takes out the concept of incentive, which saw most of the communist states struggle with the notion of people not giving or caring about the state, because they worked for only it with no ‘ hope for future’ betterment. People are in fact possessive, which is not a attribute of communal living. Also, some people like to be in seclusion for parts of some periods, and therefore Jesus said, my father has many rooms in his mansion”  - not just one communal living room. For those that can understand this, can comprehend the meaning of the complex individual, whereas extreme leftist leave this things out of their concepts of the perfect state. Not everyone is a social animal as communists like to pass on as a reality.
  20. Rise of the property owners seen in context of Islam’s domination over the continent for many centuries.
  21. Personal fortunes, an accepted capitalistic way, was allowed to happen because of family patronage with the system of an annual opening of ten (10) positions to fill from England or Scotland – this was before 1784.  Hasting’s was impeached in England for taking bribes and making money on the side. Possibly the English understood, which was happening, private fortunes were made an not taxes were accounted for England’s efforts.
  22. Trade was dependant on Indian sureties thus the British never really had control.
  23. English protected ownership after they installed it. (I do not believe as taught that the Indians or Islam had no notion of private property and no discourse on this subject with its practice). 
  24. 1765 with the take over of the Bengal diwan, the British now began land reform, employing the Indian upper middle classes as scribes, paid them cheaply, changes money system from Mughāls bankers and money controllers to Indian bankers.
  25. 1857 After the mutiny took importance in British discourse, the English Crown took control of India and abolished the East Indian Company, and appointed their own governors with direct accountability back to the thrown.
  26. Relied on cheap employment of scribes from middle class Indians, which means they exploited them.
  27. Western Writters go to Calcutta to learn all the indigenous languages, and forms of previous government system to control them, according to Edward Said. Thus discourse starts from here and the honing in on control is sought through this method. ( I personally do not believe all men have evil hearts as some American UC system try to display)
  28. Bengal, Madras & Bombay, Northern India began a western bureaucracy never seen before in India.
  29. 1800 India became a British state, because of the theory of bureaucracy and not of outright claims.
  30. User groups need the right, or at least no interference with their attempt, to organize. There is a stark difference between resource user groups such as those in Switzerland and Japan that have both legal standing as property-owning entities and long-documented histories of community resource management, and indigenous peoples from Kalimantan to Irian Jaya to the Amazon, and from Zaire to India, who have practiced community resource management for decades or even centuries but have no legal protection. As soon as products from the resource system become commercially attractive, persons outside of the traditional user community become interested in acquiring legal rights to the resource. If the traditional users have those legal rights in the first place, then they essentially have the commercial opportunities that their resources create. In Papua New Guinea, for instance, where traditional community forest rights are legally valid, portable sawmills used by villagers turn out to be more economically efficient overall, and to bring more wealth into the village, than timbering by multinational corporations. Where local communities' resource claims go unrecognized by national governments, the best they can then hope for is that higher layers of government will overlook them rather than oppose them. The farming villages of Andhra Pradesh that use an open-field system to manage planting, harvesting, grazing, and irrigation do so successfully only because and as long as the state and national governments ignore them (Wade, 1992). (Hess).
  31. Distribution of decision-making rights and use rights to co-owners of the commons need not be egalitarian but must be viewed as "fair" (one in which the ratio of individual benefit to individual cost falls within a range they see as acceptable). It comes as a surprise to observers who have romanticized the commons that common-property regimes do not always serve to equalize income within the user group. Communities vary enormously in how equally or unequally they distribute the products of the commons to eligible users. Decision-making rights tend to be egalitarian in the formal sense (one user household, one vote) although richer households may actually have additional social influence on decisions. Entitlement to products of the commons varies to a surprising extent. In some communities, especially in India, the commons do turn out to be a welfare system for the poor: the wealthy members of the community may be entitled to use the commons but do not bother to exercise that right because of the high opportunity cost of their labor, leaving de facto access to poorer members, those willing to invest their labor in collecting products from the commons (Hess).
  32. Private property is the result of a society based on war, for its genesis is the wall of defense [Thomas Jefferson concept]. "Whenever there is, in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so extended as to violate natural right."  - Jefferson. (Dill).
  33. Back to reality and man’s covetous nature.
  34. Pre-Sultanic India 1206-1526. Most of these rulers were Turks until close to the end Afghans.
  35. Epistemic conquest of India. The power of the sword can only get one so far. This is called deliberate use of subjugated knowledges.
  36. Hindu heritage or tradition was the main factory at disliking the Islamic rulers. Islam was monotheistic, and Hindu was polytheistic.

Mahmud of Ghazni (971–April 30, 1030), also known as Yamin ul-Dawlah Mahmud (in full: Yamin ul-Dawlah Abd ul-Qasim Mahmud Ibn Sebük Tigin) was the ruler of Ghazni from 997 until his death. Mahmud turned the former provincial city of Ghazni (in present-day Afghanistan) into the wealthy capital of an extensive empire which included today's Afghanistan, most of modern Iran, and parts of Pakistan and northern India (wikipedia).

  1. Led about 17 such expeditions into India.
  2. northwestern India and most of Iran
  3. Used the title Sultan.
  4. Mahmud a son of a Turkish slave. In 977 became ruler of Ghazna.
  5. Mahmud ascended the throne in 998 at the age of 27.
  6. Mahmud marched on India at the head of 15,000 horse troops.
  7. Tried to rival the Abbasid capital.

His first campaigns were against the Hindu Shahi kingdom, which occupied the Punjab from the Indus east to the Ganges. He had participated in his father's campaigns against the Shahi king Jayapala in the late 980s that captured the Khyber Pass region as far east as the Indus. Mahmud campaigned against the Shahis in 1001, and in 1004 raided deep into the Punjab, defeated a Shahi army and captured Bhatia and Multan. In 1008, he conquered most of the Punjab and captured the Shahi treasury at Kangra in the Punjab Hill States, which reduced the Shahi kingdom to a sliver of the eastern Punjab.

Mahmud's campaigns seem to be motivated by both religious zeal and an interest in wealth and gold. Mahmud followed the injunction to convert non-Muslims, whom he had vowed to chastise every year of his life. Hindu temples were depositories of vast quantities of wealth, in cash, golden images, and jewelery - and these made them targets for a non-Hindu searching for wealth in northern India. The later invasions of Mahmud were directed to temple towns, including Thanesar (1012), Mathura and Kanauj (1018), and finally Somnath (1026). Mahmud's armies routinely stripped the temples of their wealth and then destroyed them; after Mahmud's raids on the cities of Varanasi, Ujjain, Maheshwar, Jwalamukhi, and Dwarka, not one temple survived intact.

The concentration of wealth at Somnath was renowned, and consequently it became an attractive target for Mahmud. The raid in 1026 was his last major campaign, and took him across the Thar Desert, which had previously deterred most invaders. The temple and citadel were sacked, and most of its Brahmin defenders massacred; Mahmud personally hammered the temple's gilded lingam into pieces, and the stone fragments were carted back to Ghazni, where they were incorporated into the steps of the city's new Jami Masjid (Friday mosque).

By the end of his reign, his empire extended from Kurdistan in the west to Samarkand in the northeast, and from the Caspian Sea to the Yamuna. Although his raids carried his forces across northern and western India, only the Punjab came under his permanent rule; Kashmir, the Doab, Rajasthan and Gujarat remained under the control of the local Hindu Rajput dynasties. The wealth brought back to Ghazni was enormous, and contemporary historians (e.g. Abolfazl Beyhaghi, Ferdowsi) give glowing descriptions of the magnificence of the capital, as well as of the conqueror's munificent support of literature.

The Ghaznavid Empire was ruled by his successors for 157 years, but after Mahmud it never reached anything like the same splendor and power. The expanding Seljuk Turkish empire absorbed most of the Ghaznavid west. The Persian Ghorids captured Ghazni c. 1150, and Muhammad Ghori captured the last Ghaznavid stronghold at Lahore in 1187.

The romance of Mahmud and his slave boy Malik Ayaz is part of Islamic legend (wikipedia)

Ghur   ‘ids’ like Ghaznavids

  • Ghaznavids N.
  • Deccan
  • Ghur S.
  • Ghur king killed in Delhi in 1206.

Periodic Sultanate


Most all of the rulers are Turks, but Afghans at the end.

Bengal: The Trade Region of the Pre-Modern and even Ancient World.

Ruled by Ilyas Shahis 13th-18th Centuries.

  1. Powerful trade in the east.
  2. 1203 begins by conquest.
  3. Sufi brought grains and cleared brush in hinterlands making way for wet rice cultivation. Also the rivers shifted helping make areas nice and wet.
  4. Sufi’s were used to establish different rulers, but after the new ruler was firmly established on his thrown, they were discarded back into society as peasants.
  5. Wet and marshy with rainfall about 80 inches a year and about 111 inches in the foothills, the armies, usually on horses, or the cannon were too difficult to mount sustained campaigns. So this area was left along for much of the time. Murshid Quli Khan was sent by Aurangzeb to collect taxes that were fixed for a long time and raise the rate to help off set his war chest.

Khalji - Turks

  • Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316) started a campaign against the Yadavas of Devagiri in  1296 and is largely responsible for establishment of Islamic armies in South India. In the year 1299, Alauddin firmly assumed control of power in Dehli. His military general Malik Kafur raided the powerful Hoysala and Pandya capitals in 1311. The Khalji dynasty expanded to much of India (Marg).
  • Alauddin 1296-1316 protected raids from Mongols and was able to keep the Mongols out of India.
  • Had to maintain a large Army.
  • His general Mailkkafur made raids into the Deccan.

Mughāls (claimed, Muslim governance- adapted Mongols)

1526 Babur

Babur claimed he was a Timurid, and a Mongolian and invading India he establishes the Mongol rule in India. Mughāl is the transcribed name for the region. They form a centralized state with the circumference according to annual radius traversement from Kabul, Rajmahal to Islampuri. Burton Stein calls this the beginning of India’s modern age. This was a huge centralized state which was ruled by mansabs, which were provinces and ruled subordinately by mansabdaris who were hired out to bidders, or appointed which included armies that collected taxes and tried to keep the peace. Hindus didn’t like this but what could they do? The horse warfare was an established Mongolian artform- to- warfare perfected that conquered parts of eastern Europe and even the Ottoman Turks, and ended the Abassid Empire.  The Mongols were excellent horsemen and horses were the first quick moving battle tanks in history. Blood sweating horses from Central Asia, or more specifically the Tarim basin, were the earth’s most powerful military weapon. These horses were described as sweating blood, because of the mosquito populations in the area, when they ran.  In addition, the  Mongols invented the stirrup which aloud them to maneuver with the sword or other weapons. This was crucial and called a military advancement. Off the subject, the Europeans were introduced to the concept of the stirrups by the Mongols. However, the horses were known throughout history and central Asian discourse became the operation to harness these powerful military technologies.

‘The Mughāl ruling class consisted of Muslims and unorthodox Muslims and Hindus, although many of the subjects of the Empire were Hindu. When Babur first founded the Empire, he did not emphasize his religion, but rather his Mongol heritage. Under Akbar, the court abolished the jizya, the tax on non-Muslims, and abandoned use of the lunar Muslim calendar in favor of a solar calendar more useful for agriculture. One of Akbar's most unusual ideas regarding religion was Din-i-Ilahi (Godism in English), which was an eclectic mix of Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity. It was proclaimed the state religion until his death. [However it was not accepted by all including the Moghāls] These actions were later retracted by Aurangzeb, known for his religiosity’ (wikipedia).

The empire was largely conquered by Sher Shah during the time of Humayun ( son of Babur), but under Akbar, it grew considerably, and continued to grow until the end of Aurangzeb's rule.

Note at the time the Mughāls were ruling India the Europeans had already came and began to local coastal colonize for purposes of trading ‘only’.  See what happens later.

Aurangzeb died in 1707, the empire started a slow and steady decline in actual power, although it maintained all the trappings of power in the Indian subcontinent for another 150 years. These were Puppet rulers propped up by French and British Carnatic wars. Events of European foreign powers evolutionalry role in India is described below.

In 1739 army from Persia led by Nadir Shah defeated many strong holds. In 1756 an army of Ahmad Shah looted Delhi again. The British Empire finally dissolved it in 1857, immediately prior to which it existed only at the sufferance of the British East India Company. Ended 1875.


After the India Mutiny the Crown takes over India and declares it their state and rulership, thus India becomes British Colonial India and Imperialized. English show up during the Mughāls.  There orders are not to conquer or start wars by England, but to trade ‘only’.

English 1698 southern eastern coast.

  1. The British East India Company, sometimes referred to as "John Company", was a joint-stock company of investors, which was granted a Royal Charter by Elizabeth I on December 31, 1600, with the intent to favour trade privileges in India. The Royal Charter effectively gave the newly created Honourable East India Company a monopoly on all trade in the East Indies. The Company transformed from a commercial trading venture to one which virtually ruled India as it acquired auxiliary governmental and military functions, until the Company's dissolution in 1858.
  2. As Adam Smith wrote, "The difference between the genius of the British constitution which protects and governs North America, and that of the mercantile company which oppresses and domineers in the East Indies, cannot perhaps be better illustrated than by the different state of those countries."
  3. The Indian Army in the time of the British Raj (1857–1947)
  4. 1895-1902 The Indian Army was a collective term for the armies of the presidencies; the Bengal Army, Madras Army and Bombay Army.
  5. 1903-1947 The Indian Army was "the force recruited locally and permanently based in India, together with its expatriate British officers."[1]
  6. The British Army in India consisted of British Army units posted to India for a tour of duty, and which would then be posted to other parts of the Empire or back to the UK.
  7. The Army of India consisted of both the Indian Army and the British Army in India.

Mughāls Decentralized.

After Shivaji helped to destroy Aurangzeb in the 1680s a new group arouse around India.

Peshwa were mostly Marathas. (mahratra) a sect of Brahmans, South Coast of Bombay and become an expansionist state of Maharashtra. Peshwa was a peasant movement or a continental movement mostly of shepherds and peasants in which leaders were not cultured. Off topic, but may be a understanding factor of Indian society, It was considered to be a crime to not be affiliated with a village. This means that homelessness, was frowned upon, because everyone had to appear as a productive individual. However insignificant this revelation is, this theme pervades many or most regions of earth and time periods in history.

1730-40s a Confederacy of Maharatra

  • Banoda-Goekwar
  • Nagpur-Benske
  • Pume-Peshwa
  • 1761 war called Panipat.
  • Afghans  ( Addal) against the peasants.
  • At this period also, Delhi is open to the British  because the Mughāl Empire is decentralized.
  • 1771 Najaf Khan 1773 was competing for juridical power like Murshid Quli Khan was in Bengal.

British East India Company

1757    Battle of Plassey ( Pilasi)  ‘In Bengal’ ( After battle British take control of Bengal, Bihar and Orrisa)

1761     Third battle of Panipat
1764      The Battle of Buxar  ( British not entirely in control  - Kasim and Nawab of Oudh). Forced Nawab to pay annually 100,000 rupees. This will lead to EIC beginning the forced punitive payments for an army to protect their interests.
1765      Robert Clive appointed Governor of Bengal
1767      Departure of Clive
1767-69      First Mysore war
1772      Warren Hastings' appointed as Governor
1773      The Regulating Act

Pilasi : The town of Murshidabad (then capital of the Nawab) in India. It was a battle between the forces of the British East India Company and of Siraj Ud Daulah, the last independent Nawab of Bengal. The significance led to the evolving business of East Indian Company’s role as traders to eventual role as rulers. The wealth gained allowed the Company to pay for an army.

Placed on Throne

Mir Jafar The first appointment of the British after the Battle of Plassy ( Pilasi 1757).

Mir Kasim. He was appointed but fought against the British control. This indicated that the British didn’t have definitional control in pre-colonial times.

After winning the Battle of Buxar (1764), the British had earned the right to collect land revenue in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. It appears certain that this development set the foundations of British political rule in India.

Nawab of Oudh - Kora and Allahabad 1801-1803

  • Nawab of Oudh Previous Mughāl kingdom territory.  British conquests with the army now paid by the punitive forced payments.
  • Oudh forms the central portion of the great Gangetic plain.

The political vicissitudes through which this tract of country passed in earlier times are described under INDIA: History. It will be sufficient here to trace the steps by which it passed under British rule. In 1765, after the battle of Buxar, when the nawab of Oudh had been decisively defeated and Shah Alam, the Mogul emperor, was a suppliant in the Britih camp, Lord Clive was content to claim no acquisition of territory. The whole of Oudh was restored to the Nawab, and Shah Alam received as an imperial apanage the province of Allahabad and Kora in the lower Doab, with a British garrison in the fort of Allahabad. Warren Hastings augmented the territory of Oudh by lending the nawab a British army to conquer Rohilkhand, and by making over to him Allahabad and Kora on the ground that Shah Alam had placed himself in the power of the Mahrattas. At the same time he received from Oudh the sovereignty over the province of Benares. Subsequently no great change took place until the arrival of Lord Weliesley, who acquired a very large accession of territory in two instalments. In 1801 he obtained from the nawab of Oudh the cession of Rohilkhand, the lower Doab, and the Gorakhpur division, thus enclosing Oudh on all sides except the north. In 1804, as the result of Lord Lakes victories in the Mahratta War, the rest of the Doab and part of Bundelkhand, together with Agra and the guardianship of the old and blind emperor, Shah Alam, at Delhi, were obtained from Sindia. In 1815 the Kumaon division was acquired after the Gurkha War, and a further portion of Bundelkhand from the pcshwa in 1817. These new acquisitions, known as the ceded and conquered provinces, continued to be administered by the governor-general as part of Bengal. In 1833 an act of parliament was passed to constitute a new presidency, with its capital at Agra. But this scheme was never fully carried out, and in 1835 another statute authorized the ~ppointment of a lieutenant-governor for the North-Western Provinces, as they were then styled. They included the Delhi territory, transferred after the Mutiny to the Punjab; and also (after 1853) the Saugor and Nerbudda territories, which in 1861 became part of the Central Provinces. Meanwhile Oudh remained under its nawab, who was permitted to assume the title of king in 1819. All protests against gross misgovernment during many years having proved useless, Oudh was annexed in 1856 and constituted a separate chief commissionership. Then followed the Mutiny, when all signs of British rule were for a time swept away throughout the greater part of the two provinces. The lieutenantgovernor died when shut up in the fort at Agra, and Oudh was only reconquered after several campaigns lasting for eighteen months.

In 1877 the offices of lieutenant-governor of the NorthWestern Provinces and chief commissioner of Oudh were combined in the same person; and in 1902, when the new name of United Provinces was introduced, the title of chief commissioner was dropped, though Oudh still retains some marks of its former independence.

1.        See Gazelteer of the United Provinces (2 vols., Calcutta, 1908); and Theodore Morison, The Industrial Organization of an Indian Province (1906). (United Provinces of Agra and Oudh).

Warren Hastings Takes control and had to deal with a revolt of raja of Benares

  • Bengal,  Bihar, and Orrisa
  • Raja Chait Singh of Benares

The first Governor-General of India was Warren Hastings, who occupied that high position from 1773 to 1784. While Clive was content with creating the impression that the Nawab of Bengal remained sovereign, subject only in some matters to the dictate of the Mughal Emperor, Hastings moved swiftly to remove this fiction. The Nawab was stripped of his remaining powers and the annual tribute paid to the Mughal Emperor was withdrawn. Hastings supported the kingdom of Awadh [Oudh] against the depredations of the Rohillas, chieftains of Afghani descent, and he took measures to contain the Marathas, though they could not be prevented from capturing Agra, Mathura, and even Delhi, the seat of the Mughal Empire. Hastings concluded treaties with various other Indian rulers and sought alliances against the powerful forces of Haider Ali in the Carnatic. However, in order to wage these wars, Hastings "borrowed" heavily from the Begums of Oudh and Raja Chait Singh of Benares (Lal).

Land assessment in 1793, at Bengal and Banarias. The British allowed (granted)  Zamindars the rights to continue land tax-collection.

  • Oudh forms the central portion of the great Gangetic plain.

United Provinces of Agra and Oudh

The political vicissitudes through which this tract of country passed in earlier times are described under INDIA: History. It will be sufficient here to trace the steps by which it passed under British rule. In 1765, after the battle of Buxar, when the nawab of Oudh had been decisively defeated and Shah Alam, the Mogul emperor, was a suppliant in the Britih camp, Lord Clive was content to claim no acquisition of territory. The whole of Oudh was restored to the Nawab, and Shah Alam received as an imperial apanage the province of Allahabad and Kora in the lower Doab, with a British garrison in the fort of Allahabad. Warren Hastings augmented the territory of Oudh by lending the nawab a British army to conquer Rohilkhand, and by making over to him Allahabad and Kora on the ground that Shah Alam had placed himself in the power of the Mahrattas. At the same time he received from Oudh the sovereignty over the province of Benares. Subsequently no great change took place until the arrival of Lord Weliesley, who acquired a very large accession of territory in two instalments. In 1801 he obtained from the nawab of Oudh the cession of Rohilkhand, the lower Doab, and the Gorakhpur division, thus enclosing Oudh on all sides except the north. In 1804, as the result of Lord Lakes victories in the Mahratta War, the rest of the Doab and part of Bundelkhand, together with Agra and the guardianship of the old and blind emperor, Shah Alam, at Delhi, were obtained from Sindia. In 1815 the Kumaon division was acquired after the Gurkha War, and a further portion of Bundelkhand from the pcshwa in 1817. These new acquisitions, known as the ceded and conquered provinces, continued to be administered by the governor-general as part of Bengal. In 1833 an act of parliament was passed to constitute a new presidency, with its capital at Agra. But this scheme was never fully carried out, and in 1835 another statute authorized the ~ppointment of a lieutenant-governor for the North-Western Provinces, as they were then styled. They included the Delhi territory, transferred after the Mutiny to the Punjab; and also (after 1853) the Saugor and Nerbudda territories, which in 1861 became part of the Central Provinces. Meanwhile Oudh remained under its nawab, who was permitted to assume the title of king in 1819. All protests against gross misgovernment during many years having proved useless, Oudh was annexed in 1856 and constituted a separate chief commissionership. Then followed the Mutiny, when all signs of British rule were for a time swept away throughout the greater part of the two provinces. The lieutenantgovernor died when shut up in the fort at Agra, and Oudh was only reconquered after several campaigns lasting for eighteen months.

  • In 1877 the offices of lieutenant-governor of the NorthWestern Provinces and chief commissioner of Oudh were combined in the same person; and in 1902, when the new name of United Provinces was introduced, the title of chief commissioner was dropped, though Oudh still retains some marks of its former independence.
  • See Gazelteer of the United Provinces (2 vols., Calcutta, 1908); and Theodore Morison, The Industrial Organization of an Indian Province (1906). (United Provinces of Agra and Oudh).
  • Najaf Khan Paymaster with tax manager of Diwan
  • Armies seize control
  • The development of Military fiscalism, as was taking place in Europe simultaneously.
  • Punjab 1799 The Jats brought together. They are peasants like the Marathas (local tribe groups).

1720-50s Rohillas

  1. Defeat of the Rajput brotherhoods – not peasants. By Warren Hastings troops.
  2. Afghans ( islam)  in Rampur
  3. The Rohillas were Afghans who had entered India in the 18th century during the decline of the Mughal. Were not supportive of the peasants.
  4. Used Banjara herders, central India. And were salt traders that ventured hundreds of miles to trade grains. This helped maintain urban economy, and also maintained a notion of centralization or interconnectedness of India, contrary to many historians. Vast trade ( see Gandhi for discrepancies of his subjugated knowleges).
  5. Rohillias from the South attack armies Hastings armies from the north out from Delhi.
  6. Warren Hastings was told not to go to war and it was the first thing he planned when he arrived in Inda. He helped the Nawab of Oudh defeat the Rohillas by lending a brigade of the East India Company's troops. He was called back to Englans and charged in a parliamentary impeachment of Hastings, but Parliament vindicated him. (1774)

Dehli 17-18th Century

  1. Shiek Kulta 12 major brotherhoods, warbands, and Muslim: Msilis; helped destroy the Mughāls.
  2. 19th century Conquest of India was achieved by Discourse
  3. Nominal obedience: Quasbis= tax gathering, military system.
  4. The Dahkait, wandered around and had no direction, but they came out from tribal life and settled to agriculture life. This is the discourse talked about.
  5. Thug: Said is incorrect, Thug is an original Indian word, dating back over a thousand years. It means ‘petty [ not a major] criminal.’
  6. Thug comes from Hindi language.
  7. Dense language, meaning secretive, coercive constructive knowleges, ideas of criminality, departments of subjugated knowledges which were enshrined into the departments of the dissemination of information – propagating against the decent of seditions. This was a very interactive condition.

Richard Eaton:

  1. Eaton argues that for a long period of time, the Hindus lived side by side with Islam. This never meant that they lived in harmony.  There was no syncretism (No intermixing of religions). There was competition. Ottomans made foreigner lie is separate districts.
  2. Hindus and Islam never merged.
  3. Work: Eaton, Richard M . The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204-1760. University of California Press, Berkeley, US.
  4. The Rise of Chittagong’s Religious Gentry: By supporting frontier mosques and shrines, Mughāl authorities in Chittagong established ties with political systems that functioned at a very local level. This was logical, for it was on the frontier itself, and not in district offices in Chittagong city […] Acquisition by donation generally involved a Muslim pioneer with a religious title like “shaikh” going into the jungle and, having secured a document of authorization from a local chieftain, building a mosque or shrine with local labor. The document attested that the chieftain had donated a certain portion of undeveloped jungle land to the shaikh. The latter would then produce this document to local Mughāl authorities in a formal request for legal recognition of tenurial rights over jungle lands that he either proposed to bring under cultivation in order to support those institutions, or that he had already brought under cultivation. After investigating to verify the petitioner’s claim, the Chittagong revenue authorities would issue a sanad in the name of the chief revenue officer of Chittagong sarkār and bearing the seal of the reigning Mughāl emperor, thereby extending government recognition of the petitioner’s trusteeship (tauliyat) of the institution and the lands supporting it. In this process the petitioner moved from de facto to de jure landholdership, enjoying the rights to the produce of the land subject to his support of the institution specified in the sanad.[60] Actually, chieftains who in this way donated portions of their jungle territory to such shaikhs were adhering to an ancient model of Indian patronage. In Buddhist, Jain, and Hindu contexts laymen had gained religious merit by donating lands to monastic or Brahmanic establishments, a practice that served to reinforce the cultural bonds between donating clients and receiving patrons.[61]
  6. Note #4 describes the vakif and Islamic tradition of patronage of a shrine by means of support of some type with a deed authorized for continuance. Eaton calls this a Hindu tradition from ancient times.
  7. The Mughāl State and the Agrarian Order
  8. From the reign of Akbar onward, the Mughāls sought to integrate Indians into their political system at two levels. At the elite level they endeavored to absorb both Muslim and non-Muslim chieftains into the imperial service, thereby transforming potential state enemies into loyal servants. They also sought to expand the empire’s agrarian base, and hence its wealth, by transforming forest lands into arable fields and the semi-nomadic forest-dwelling peoples inhabiting those lands into settled farmers. “From the time of Shah Jahan [1627–58],” records an eighteenth-century revenue document,
  9. Sufi
  10. Migrating Turks also grouped themselves into Islamic mystical fraternities typically organized around Sufi leaders who combined the characteristics of the “heroic figure of old Turkic saga,” the alp, and the pre-Islamic Turkish shaman—that is, a charismatic holy man believed to possess magical powers and to have intimate contact with the unseen world.
  11. The earliest-known Muslim inscription in Bengal concerns a group of such immigrant Sufis. Written on a stone tablet found in Birbhum District and dated July 29, 1221, just seventeen years after Muhammad Bakhtiyar’s conquest, the inscription records the construction of a Sufi lodge (khānaqāh) by a man described as a faqīr—that is, a Sufi—and the son of a native of Maragha in northwestern Iran.
  12. Since no contemporary evidence shows that he or any other Sufi in Bengal actually indulged in the destruction of temples, it is probable that as with Turkish Sufis in contemporary Anatolia […]
  13. It is true that the notion of two “strivings” (jihād)—one against the unbeliever and the other against one’s lower soul—had been current in the Perso-Islamic world for several centuries before Shah Jalal’s lifetime.[10] But a fuller reading of the text suggests other motives for the shaikh’s journey to Bengal. After reaching the Indian subcontinent, he and his band of followers are said to have drifted to Sylhet, on the easternmost edge of the Bengal delta. “In these far-flung campaigns,” the narrative continued, “they had no means of subsistence, except the booty, but they lived in splendour. Whenever any valley or cattle were acquired, they were charged with the responsibility of propagation and teaching of Islam. In short, [Shah Jalal] reached Sirhat (Sylhet), one of the areas of the province of Bengal, with 313 persons. [After defeating the ruler of the area] all the region fell into the hands of the conquerors of the spiritual and the material worlds. Shaikh [Jalal] Mujarrad, making a portion for everybody, made it their allowance and permitted them to get married.”[11]
  14. Written so long after the events it describes, this account has a certain paradigmatic quality. Like Shaikh Jalal al-Din Tabrizi, Shah Jalal is presented as having brought about a break between Bengal’s Hindu past and its Muslim future, and to this end a parallel is drawn between the career of the saint and that of the Prophet of Islam, Muhammad. The number of companions said to have accompanied Shah Jalal to Bengal, 313, corresponds precisely to the number of companions who are thought to have accompanied the Prophet Muhammad at the Battle of Badr in A.D. 624, the first major battle in Muhammad’s career and a crucial event in launching Islam as a world religion. The story thus has an obvious ideological drive to it.
  15. But other aspects of the narrative are more suggestive of Bengal’s social atmosphere at the time of the conquest. References to “far-flung campaigns” where Shah Jalal’s warrior-disciples “had no means of subsistence, except the booty” suggest the truly nomadic base of these Turkish freebooters, and, incidentally, refute the claim (made in the same narrative) that Shah Jalal’s principal motive for coming to Bengal was religious in nature. In fact, reference to his having made “a portion for everybody” suggests the sort of behavior befitting a tribal chieftain vis-à-vis his pastoral retainers, while the reference to his permitting them to marry suggests a process by which mobile bands of unmarried nomads—Shah Jalal’s own title mujarrad means “bachelor”—settled down as propertied groups rooted in local society. Moreover, the Persian text records that Shah Jalal had ordered his followers to become kadkhudā, a word that can mean either “householder” or “landlord.”[12] Not having brought wives and families with them, his companions evidently married local women and, settling on the land, gradually became integrated with local society. All of this paralleled the early Ottoman experience. At the same time that Shah Jalal’s nomadic followers were settling down in eastern Bengal, companions of Osman (d. 1326), the founder of the Ottoman dynasty, were also passing from a pastoral to a sedentary life in northwestern Anatolia.[13]
  16. In sum, the more contemporary evidence of Sufis on Bengal’s political frontier portrays men who had entered the delta not as holy warriors but as pious mystics or freebooting settlers operating under the authority of charismatic leaders. No contemporary source endows them with the ideology of holy war; nor is there contemporary evidence that they slew non-Muslims or destroyed non-Muslim monuments. No Sufi of Bengal—and for that matter no Bengali sultan, whether in inscriptions or on coins—is known to have styled himself ghāzī. Such ideas only appear in hagiographical accounts written several centuries after the conquest. In particular, it seems that biographers and hagiographers of the sixteenth century consciously (or perhaps unconsciously) projected backward in time an ideology of conquest and conversion that had become prevalent in their own day. As part of that process, they refashioned the careers of holy men of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries so as to fit within the framework of that ideology.
  17. Bengali Sufis and Hindu Thought
  18. From the beginning of the Indo-Turkish encounter with Bengal, one section of Muslims sought to integrate into their religious lives elements of the esoteric practices of local yogis, together with the cosmologies that underpinned those practices. Contemporary Muslims perceived northern Bengal generally, and especially Kamrup, lying between the Brahmaputra River and the hills of Bhutan, as a fabulous and mysterious place inhabited by expert practitioners of the occult, of yoga, and of magic. During his visit to Sylhet, Ibn Battuta noted that “the inhabitants of these mountains . are noted for their devotion to and practice of magic and witchcraft.”[18] Around 1595 the great Mughal administrative manual ā’īn-i Akbarī described the inhabitants of Kamrup as “addicted to the practice of magic [jādūgarī].”[19] Some twenty-five years later a Mughal officer serving in northern Bengal described the Khuntaghat region, in western Kamrup, as “notorious for magic and sorcery.”[20] And in 1662–63 another Mughal chronicler, referring to the entire Assam region, of which Kamrup is the western part, remarked that “the people of India have come to look upon the Assamese as sorcerers, and use the word ‘Assam’ in such formulas as dispel witchcraft.”[21]
  19. Sufis of the Capital
  20. The principal carriers of the Islamic literary and intellectual tradition in the Bengal sultanate were groups of distinguished and influential Sufis who resided in the successive capital cities of Lakhnauti (from 1204), Pandua (from ca. 1342), and Gaur (from ca. 1432). Most of these men belonged to organized Sufi brotherhoods—especially the Suhrawardi, the Firdausi, and the Chishti orders—and what we know of them can be ascertained mainly from their extant letters and biographical accounts. The urban Sufis about whom we have the most information are clustered in the early sultanate period, from the founding of the independent Ilyas Shahi dynasty at Pandua in 1342 to the end of the Raja Ganesh revolution in 1415.
  21. But were these men themselves temple-destroying iconoclasts? Can we think of them as ghāzīs—that is, men who waged religious war against non-Muslims? Such, indeed, is the perspective of much Orientalist scholarship. In the 1930s the German Orientalist Paul Wittek propounded the thesis that the Turkish drive westward across Anatolia at the expense of Byzantine Greek civilization had been propelled by an ethos of Islamic holy war, or jihād, against infidels. Although this thesis subsequently became established in Middle Eastern historiography, recent scholarship has shown that it suffers from lack of contemporary evidence.[4] Instead, as Rudi Lindner has argued, the association of a holy war ethic with the early rise of Ottoman power was the work of ideologues writing several centuries after the events they described. What they wrote, according to Lindner, amounted to an “ex post facto purification of early Ottoman deeds, [speaking] more of later propaganda than of early history.”
  22. Note ghazi is a well established identity in Ottoman history and engravings on monuments from early period reside in Bursa, Iznik and Istanbul. As well, Evilya Çelebi, one of the first autobiographical accounts of life in the Ottoman Empire, of whom he was a patron of many Pashas’ writes extensively of the Ghazi frontier warriors during the 16th Century, by name of Ghazi ‘this person and that person.’. ( See: Pashas’ Melek, Ipşir, Köprülü and appointments at Van). However, this doesn’t qualify that Bengal saw the same productions of conquest at all (mjm).
  23. It was also in the seventeenth century that traditions concerning Bengal’s most famous Muslim saint, Shah Jalal Mujarrad (d. 1346) of Sylhet, became transformed in ways approximating present-day oral accounts. We have seen in Chapter 3 that the earliest written record of Shah Jalal’s life, composed in the mid 1500s, identified the saint as a Turk sent to India by a Central Asian pīr for the purpose of waging war against the infidel. Later hagiographical traditions, however, substantially reinterpreted his career. The Suhail-i Yaman, a biography compiled in the mid nineteenth century, but based on manuscripts dating to the seventeenth century,[60] identifies the saint not as a Turk from Turkestan sent to India by a Central Asian Sufi but as an Arab from Yemen sent to India by a Sufi master in Mecca.[61] Giving him a clump of soil, the master instructed Shah Jalal to wander through the world until he found a place whose soil exactly corresponded to it. Only after he had reached Bengal and assisted in the defeat of the raja of Sylhet did he discover that the soil there exactly matched his clump. He therefore selected the mound of earth he had tested as the site of his khānaqāh, or Sufi hospice.[62] An almost identical version of this story is found in oral traditions recounted in the 1970s by villagers of Pabna District, nearly two hundred miles west of Sylhet in the central delta. When asked about the Islamization of Bengal, they responded with the story of Shah Jalal and his clump of soil, maintaining that one of the reasons Islam had flourished in the delta was that the soil had been right for Shah Jalal’s message.[63] Thus, if sixteenth-century biographers depicted Shah Jalal as a holy warrior, and used his career as a vehicle for explaining the political transition from Hindu Bengal to Muslim Bengal, traditions dating from the seventeenth century saw Shah Jalal through the prism of agrarian piety, and viewed the saint as representing Bengal’s transition not only from pre-Islam to Islam, but from a pre-agrarian to an agrarian economy.
  24. Non- Syncretic.
  25. Hindus, shakti, Yoga, spiritual goddesses, spirits.
  26. Islam/ Allah and no idolatry.
  27. Power descends form the top. Sovereignty is from the top.
  28. Islamic rulers looked toward the west – the Caliphs in the pre-medieval times for legitimacy and ways to rule and the Ottomans sultanate in the Medieval times during 15th Century onward.
  29. Eaton never talked about shakti.
  30. Sufi in the hinterlands ( eastern hills of Bengal) wet-rice cultivation. Lived besides the spiritual Indian tribes and not in the valley plains where Islamic and Hindus had competition  and lived side-by-side but never crossed over intermixing their faiths.
  31. “It would seem, then, that Sufism, or more precisely the style of piety informed by institutionalized world-rejection and the cult of saints, was very much built into the ethos of Mughāl service in Bengal” (Eaton : The Place of Islam in Mughāl Culture 2.7)
  32. Secondly, the ruling class in Bengal maintained a clear separation between matters of religion and matters of state. By contrast, the ancient capitals of Pandua and Gaur were denied any political significance under the Mughāls and emerged instead as Islamic sacred centers.
  33. When making vows or swearing oaths, moreover, members of the imperial corps appealed to different deities according to the officers’ particular religious identities. On one occasion, a copy of the Qur’an and a black geode representing a form of Vishnu (sālagrām) were brought to a mixed group of Mughāl officers who had resolved to swear an oath among themselves.
  34. When making vows or swearing oaths, moreover, members of the imperial corps appealed to different deities according to the officers’ particular religious identities. On one occasion, a copy of the Qur’an and a black geode representing a form of Vishnu (sālagrām) were brought to a mixed group of Mughāl officers who had resolved to swear an oath among themselves.
  36. East Bengal, where high-caste Hindus, typically absentee zamīndārs, emerged at the upper end of the tenure chain, and Muslim cultivators at the lower end.
  37. In a second pattern of land development, Muslim pīrs or qāẓīs went directly into uncultivated regions, organized the local population for clearing the jungles, and only later, after having established themselves as local men of influence, entered into relations with the Mughāl authorities.
  38. Hazrat Daner Mau’s transition from holy man to landholder was thus linked to the intervention of state power. With its hearty appetite for land revenue, the government sought to capture and transform into revenue-paying officials whatever local notables appeared on the horizon. In the above-cited case, the government exploited the refusal by some villagers to pay a charitable fee by establishing a fixed villagewide figure to be owed the pīr; it then redefined that fee as land tax, and the pīr as the revenue-paying landholder.
  39. Where pīrs themselves did not become defined as zamīndārs, their sons and descendants often did, as was the case with the sons of Pir ‘Umar Shah of Noakhali, discussed above.[96] But the relationship between the religious gentry and Mughāl authorities was not always happy, since a pīr’s natural ties of authority and patronage generally lay with the masses of peasants beneath him and not with the governors and bureaucrats in distant Dhaka or, after 1704, Murshidabad.
  40. For example, in remote Jhalakati Thana in the Bakarganj Sundarbans, an eighteenth-century pīr named Saiyid Faqir wielded enormous influence with the cultivators of the all-Muslim village of Saiyidpur, named after the pīr. But a difficulty arose, noted a 1906 village survey, because “the people of this part looked upon the Fakir as their guide and did not pay rent to the Nawab.” In this situation, one Lala Chet Singh, a captain in the employ of the governor, “succeeded in persuading the Fakir to leave the country.” Though we do not know how the officer managed to dislodge the pīr from the village, he was evidently successful, since the authorities in Murshidabad rewarded him for his efforts by giving him the right to collect the pargana’s revenue.[97] This suggests that on the politically fluid Bengal frontier, the peasants’ loyalty did not necessarily extend beyond their local holy man. From the government’s perspective, while it was always preferable when possible to coopt influential holy men, the Mughāls did not hesitate, when necessary, to impose their own revenue machinery on rural settlements.
  41. In the early twentieth century, the Muslim cultivators of eastern Bengal were described as an industrious, unruly, and socially unstratified population, with few loyalties beyond those given their pīrs. The population of one settlement in Bakarganj’s Swarupkati Thana, we read, consisted entirely of Muslims, who were “rather fierce. They played a conspicuous role in the history of the pargana. They were the first men who rallied around…[illegible]…when he created the taluk after the transfer of his zamindari.”[98] Concerning a settlement in Bakarganj’s Jhalakati Thana, we find the following account, recorded in 1906:
  42. The village is now inhabited by Mohammedans. Formerly there were several families of Nama Sudras in the village, but for the oppression of the Mahommedans they were compelled to leave the village. Their lands and homesteads are now in possession of the Mahommedans. The people of the village are all very refractory and riotous. On slight provocation they can easily take the life of another. Criminal breach of peace is a daily occurrence here. The people are so irreligious that to take revenge from a man they never hesitate to bring false criminal case against a man. The river dacoits [bandits] of Bish Khali river are none others than the inhabitants of this village and of neighboring other villages, too.[99]
  43. This Lead to Sunni in Bengal in the 20th Century? No?
  44. See also how Eaton looks upon the perspective of both sides of the issue.
  45. Refractory or unruly as they may have appeared to law-and-order-minded British officials, these men—or, more correctly, their ancestors—were in fact the primary agents of the extension of agriculture in much of eastern Bengal. As one officer remarked in 1902 concerning another Bakarganj village, “The population are almost all Mohammedans, who have been trying their best to bring the waste lands into cultivation. In fact, the jungles have now been mainly cleared.”[100] Or again: “There are a good many petty tenures in this mauza [settlement], all of which have been created for bringing the lands under cultivation. The population are Muhammadan.”[101]
  47. During Mughāls  Bengal
  48. Sufi’s followers claimed rights to the land on the grounds that their ancestors had originally cleared the jungle


1.     land transfers originally made by local zamīndārs.

2.     In the eastern delta, where settled agrarian life was far less advanced than in the west in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Islam more than other culture systems became identified with a developing agrarian social order.

3.                    Grants called chirāghī were intended to support the shrines of Muslim saints. ( endowments.

4.                    It is known that in 1672–73 the conservative emperor Aurangzeb ordered that all madad-i ma‘āsh granted to Hindus be repossessed. with future such grants reserved for Muslims only. [ Interesting ] In  Sylhet, different. Hindus got the goods.

5.                    Stories still circulate of how in Mughāl times men came from the Middle East to the Habiganj region, where they organized the local population into groups to cut the jungle and cultivate rice. As such communities acquired an Islamic identity, they conferred on their leaders a sanctified identity appropriate to Islamic civilization, and especially to the culture of institutional Sufism, as witnessed by the growth of shrines over the graves of holy men throughout the Bengal frontier.

6.                    In such cases the vocabulary of popular Sufism stabilized in popular memory those persons who had been instrumental in building new communities. There is no evidence that either Khan Jahan or Shaikh Manik, both of them pioneers and developers, had any acquaintance with, far less mastery of, the intricacies of Islamic mysticism. Nor will their names be found in any of the great pan-Indian hagiographies. Yet from the culture of institutional Sufism came the asymmetric categories of pīr and murīd, or shaikh and disciple, which rendered Sufism a suitable model for channeling authority, distributing patronage, and maintaining discipline—the very requirements appropriate to the business of organizing and mobilizing labor in regions along the cutting edge of state power. It is little wonder that Sufis appeared along East Bengal’s forested frontier.” Eaton

7.                    States: “In the middle of the eighth century, large, regionally based imperial systems emerged in Bengal. The first and most durable of these was the powerful Pala Empire (ca. 750–1161) […] the early kings of this dynasty extended their sway far up the Gangetic Plain, even reaching Kanauj under their greatest dynast, Dharmapala (775–812)”  ( Eton Ch.1.1 Foot 29).

8.                    Review: "In all of the South Asian subcontinent, Bengal was the region most receptive to the Islamic faith. This area today is home to the world's second-largest Muslim ethnic population. How and why did such a large Muslim population emerge there? And how does such a religious conversion take place? Richard Eaton uses archaeological evidence, monuments, narrative histories, poetry, and Mughāl administrative documents to trace the long historical encounter between Islamic and Indic civilizations. Moving from the year 1204, when Persianized Turks from North India annexed the former Hindu states of the lower Ganges delta, to 1760, when the British East India Company rose to political dominance there, Eaton explores these moving frontiers, focusing especially on agrarian growth and religious change." Eaton

9.                    "A convincing and thoroughly well-worked-out argument which is judiciously and lucidly expounded. It rests on sources in Persian, Arabic, Bengali, Sanskrit, and European languages, as well as some notably fruitful research in the Persian records of the Sylhet and Chittagong collectorates. Most of all, however, it rests on years of thought on the issues involved."--Journal of Islamic Studies.

10.                 100. Jalal-ud-din, the son of Raja Ganesh converted to Islam under the pressure of the nobles

11.                 101. It was Jalal-ud-din (1418-1433), the son of Raja Ganesh converted to Islam, who used the kalima for the first time in Bengal on his coins; this was interpreted as a symbolic gesture directed towards the Muslims to gain their support.47

12.                 For Turks, moreover, Sufi models of authority were especially vivid, since Central Asian Sufis had been instrumental in converting Turkish tribes to Islam shortly before their migrations from Central Asia into Khurasan, Afghanistan, and India.” – India

13.                 “Having dislodged a Hindu dynasty in Bengal, the earliest Muslim rulers made no attempt on their coins to assert legitimate authority over their conquered subjects, displaying instead a show of coercive power.” Eaton.

14.                 Sidelines: Portuguese merchants intruded themselves into the Bay of Bengal, establishing trading stations in both Chittagong and Satgaon in the mid 1530s.

15.                 But in Bengal during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries ( Mexico Silver) , the well-documented influx of silver had no such inflationary effect on consumer prices.

16.                 Pīr:  Instead of presenting the shaikh as a holy warrior—at no point in the narrative does he engage the Hindus of Pandua in armed combat—the text seeks to connect the diffusion of Islam with the diffusion of agrarian society. In this respect, several elements in the story are crucial: (1) the shaikh’s charismatic authority and organizational ability, (2) the construction of the mosque, (3) state support of the institution, (4) the shaikh’s initiative in settling forested lands transferred to the institution, and (5) the transformation of formerly forested lands into wealth-producing agrarian communities that would continue to support the mosque. In this way, the poem sketches a model of patronage—a mosque linked economically with the hinterland and politically with the state—that was fundamental to the expansion of Muslim agrarian civilization throughout the delta. (Eaton).

17.                  Cite: Looking at Bengal’s Hindu society as a whole, it seems likely that the caste system—far from being the ancient and unchanging essence of Indian civilization as supposed by generations of Orientalists—emerged into something resembling its modern form only in the period 1200–1500. Central to this process, as Ronald Inden has argued, was the collapse of Hindu kingship. Before the Turkish conquest, the Sena king had maintained order by distributing wealth and by judging between socially high and low in the context of his court and its rituals. With the dissolution of Hindu kingship that followed the Turkish conquest, however, these functions appear to have been displaced onto society at large. Hindu social order was now maintained by the enforcing of group endogamy, the regulation of marriage by “caste” councils, and the keeping of genealogies by specialists.[

18.                 “Ultimately, this arose from the long-term eastward movement of Bengal’s major river systems, which deposited the rich silt that made the cultivation of wet rice possible.”

19.                 As the delta’s active portion gravitated eastward, the regions in the west, which received diminishing levels of fresh water and silt, gradually become moribund. Cities and habitations along the banks of abandoned channels declined as diseases associated with stagnant waters took hold of local communities. Thus the delta as a whole experienced a gradual eastward movement of civilization as pioneers in the more ecologically active regions cut virgin forests, thereby throwing open a widening zone for field agriculture. From the fifteenth century on, writes the geographer R. K. Mukerjee, “man has carried on the work of reclamation here, fighting with the jungle, the tiger, the wild buffalo, the pig, and the crocodile, until at the present day nearly half of what was formerly an impenetrable forest has been converted into gardens of graceful palm and fields of waving rice.(eaton)”[3]

20.                 Moreover, these groups constituted the earliest-known class of Bengali Muslims. Fully five of them—the weavers, loom makers, tailors, weavers of thick ribbon, and dyers—were linked to the growing textile industry, and were probably recruited from amongst existing Hindu castes already engaged in these trades. (eaton).

21.                 Wrote the Portuguese diplomat just cited: I saw one hundred and fifty cartloads of cooked rice, large quantities of bread, rape, onions, bananas and other fruits of the earth. There were fifty other carts filled with boiled and roasted cows and sheep as well as plenty of cooked fish. All this was to be given to the poor. After the food had been distributed, money was given out, the whole to the value of six hundred thousand of our tangas.…[i.e. GOLD]. I was totally amazed; it had to be seen to be believed. The money was thrown from the top of a platform into a crowd of about four or five thousand people.[98]

While a foreign dignitary was permitted to see a Persianized court with gilded ceilings and sandalwood posts, the common people saw cartloads of cooked rice “and other fruits of the earth.” It was in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, too, that state-sponsored mosques built in native styles proliferated throughout the delta. The court also lent vigorous support to Bengali language and literature. Already in the early fifteenth century, the Chinese traveler Ma Huan observed that Bengali was “the language in universal use.

22.                 “This ideology of monarchal absolutism was not, however, the only vision of worldly authority inherited by Muhammad Bakhtiyar and his Muslim contemporaries. By the thirteenth century there had also appeared in Perso-Islamic culture an enormous lore, written and oral, that focused on the spiritual and worldly authority of Sufis, or Muslim holy men. Their authority sometimes paralleled, and sometimes opposed, that of the courts of kings. For Turks, moreover, Sufi models of authority were especially vivid, since Central Asian Sufis had been instrumental in converting Turkish tribes to Islam shortly before their migrations from Central Asia into Khurasan, Afghanistan, and India.” – India

23.                 “Having dislodged a Hindu dynasty in Bengal, the earliest Muslim rulers made no attempt on their coins to assert legitimate authority over their conquered subjects, displaying instead a show of coercive power.” Eaton.

Kate BrittleBank:

1.                    Hindu and Islam were Syncretic. (Reconciliation or fusion of differing systems of belief, as in philosophy or religion, especially when success is partial or the result is heterogeneous.)

2.                    Tipu was not an Islamic Ruler, but a Hindu ruler. She ties in sufi warrior pir in which Eaton never said anything of the sort is connected to Islam but really an institutionalized Sufism.

3.                     Cosmology and spirits of Hindu was the same as Islam – not correct.

4.                    Oreintalism in this book, if E. Said would judge it. 

5.                    In India south region: “ syncretic, being influenced by Sufism and goddess worship” Not correct. She uses Susan Bayly’s ideas of connecting Islam with Hinduism.  “ While Bayly was writing about the Tamil country, there was not doubt that these figures were ( and still are) Found in the Mysore dominions” (Brittlebank 37). Therefore, Bayly’s conception of the relationship between information on Islam was incorrect leading to the incorrect observations from these writings of Brittlebank that Tipu’s political control relied on syncratic relationships between Islam and Hindus. [ great Michael).

6.                    Women were mechanisms that kept the Indian kingdoms together. They ( had monetary and political worth – objects of possession and not human beings)  were traded, put in harems, sold for animals. ( Other who agree are Buckler).

7.                    Bribery: If Tipu gave a tribute to Cornwallis, who didn’t accept it, because this was seen as in modern day camping gifts, or bribes, and would have tied him political with Tipu. Close ties to subject and ruler – robes of honour. Kilhats, the vow.

8.                    She seeks legitimacy of her peers, but uses them instead of her own studies.

9.                    Tipu sent emissaries to Ottoman Sultan to ascertain permission of Sunni orthodox.

10.                 Tipu tried to get away from Hindu culture and Britlebank confuses Islamic with idolatry by saying that “ his gold and silver coins he named which was included caliphs,  saints and Imams. This showed Tipu  had no resonance with local knowledge, he moved away from Hindu sysmbols and not a syncretic continuum of hindu/Islam.  ( KB 67).

11.                 HOT: (B.2.3) Brittlebank’s divulgence of Tipu’s wakils ( vakifs Arabic [shariah endowments] ) to King Louis XVI, a christen King, of various botanicals; Tipu’s use of Hindu rituals, immersion,  symbols, insignias  and religious motifs and the Sufi pīr, Indian direct sacred power of the king through śakti,  (things to look Hindu) ( 118) , all repudiate the very strict Islamic statutes implemented by Tipu’s execution to ascertain Sultan Abdul Hamid I’s ( 27th Sultan of the Ottoman empire) blessings for the use of the sacred Islamic title Caliph and ordering  the composition of a  Islamic ‘ilm ( knowledge) for implementing Jihad “ a treaties of the duties of Muslims” by Zein ul-Abidin Shastari, of the Mu’ayyid ul Mujahidin. She reflects Tipu merging the two religions and at the same time going in two different directions. (Brittlebank 35, 36, 40, 52 118, ).

12.                 In 1793 he ordered the composition, by one of his leading courtiers, Zein ul-Abidin Shastari, of the Mu’ayyid ul Mujahidin,  a collection of Khutbas in verse dealing with the benefits of Jihad, ‘ilm ( knowledge) and prayer, and the Zad ul-Mujahidin, a treaties of the duties of Muslims, again with special references to holy war against infidels, the author of the latter work being the Qazi of Seringapanan, Ghulam Ahmad. 

13.                 See scientific knowledge KB 53

14.                 Consecutiveness ( syncretic) with the cosmos were all practitioners as scientific. Minerals, exhalations, vapor inhalations, the auspices of the stars all seen as scientific knowledges in India. KB

15.                 “Expression of Tipu rule was epistemology, cosmology and religious issues” ( Brittlebank 9). 

16.                 Tipu attitude was pragmatic toward other religions, but later says that….

17.                 Haidar's son, Tipu, was born on 20 November 1750 at Devanhalli Father and son were both Muslims of the Sufi tradition, but both were also Mysoreans, and this may partly explain the fact that, when they rose to power, they did not exterminate the ruling Hindu dynasty of the Wodeyars. Indeed, Tipu appointed a number of Hindus to senior positions at his court, including Purniya, his Diwan or Chief Minister.

Between 1767 and 1800, Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan would challenge the British to four Mysore Wars. ( )

18.                 “ The most significant item in the incorporative act of giving was the khil’at ( Persian sarupa) or robe of honour.”

19.                 The Arabic word for kil’at means a ‘garment cast off,’ being derived fro khal’aa, ‘ he took off.’ Bucker is also identified a link with the word khilafat, with which the Hebrew and Aramaix words for such a garment are cognate; thus the gift of a robe of honour  also carried the idea of succession.”

20.                 Under the Mughāls the Khil’ats were three ranks, according to the recipient’s of mansab. The lowest level consisted of a turban, an overcoat and sash (kamarband); the next level was characterized by the addition of a jeweled ornament for the turban (sarpech) and a belt; which the final level was distinguished by an additional half-sleeved coat. Above these, and the most prized of all, were the khil’ats reserved for the emperor’s closet intimates, being robes which the ruler himself had worn and thus ‘ cast off.’ So significant was the receipt of such a khil’at, that it was frequently underlined in chronicles.

21.                 Early in the 1990s, in Bombay, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) south a court injunction to prevent the screening in India of a television serial entitled “The Sword of Tipu Sultan.” Based upon a novel published in the mid-seventies, the programme contained material which, in the volatile and deteriorating climate of communal relations on the subcontinent, raised the ire of certain orthodox Hindues. The complaints argued that the series presented its central character – Tipu Sultan of Mysore – sympathetically, as a ‘ secular’ ruler, rather than the fanatical Muslim persecutor of Hindues they new him to be. The case itself both generated controversy ( knowledges) and debate and was symptomatic of a growing school of thought within India which no longer regarded Tipu as the great hero he had once been.

22.                 Tipu came to power in the south Indian kingdom of Mysore in 1782, following the death of his father Haidar ‘Ali, who him self had seized power form the ruling Hindu Wodeyer Dynasty in the late 1750s. His heroic status was the consequence of both his and his father’s vigorous opposition to the British presence in the region, with the antagonism between the two sides resulting in four Anglo-Mysore wars. The final war in 1799, which was only a few months’ duration, ended with Tupu’s death in May of that year as he fought to defend his capital Seringapatam.

23.                 To the majority of the British, the main protagonist in his demise, Tipu Sultan was  tyrant and a usurper, an Islamic bigot who was well rid of, someone who for over sixteen years had been a thorn in their side and constantly perceived threat to their foothold in India, and who had ultimately precipitated his own destruction by his importunate intriguing against them with the French. To the Muslims, upon his death he immediately became a martyr ( shahīd), who had fallen while resisting the infidels. Later this view became mingled with nationalism and Tipu took on the mantle of martyr to that cause as well, so that in Pakistan, for example, he is particularly revered.

24.                 Burton Stein concentration of mainly state formation, all  ( others) been original attempts at re-evaluation of Mysore and its Muslim rulers, however only stein emphasizes the importance of context. The most notable feature of all these above works is the absence of any detailed discussion of issues relating to kingship and power and its matters such as these that the following analysis addresses.

25.                 Tipu claims to legitimacy were seen by some to be questionable; in addition, he was the Muslim ruler of a predominantly Hindu region and the expression of his rule reflected this fact.

26.                 In short the ruler had been seen to be capable of providing both peace and protection in the realm; he or she had to have a regal aura of presence.

27.                 Legitimacy: “Susan Bayly has examined in detail the development and interaction of religious traditions – Hindu, Muslim, Christian—by drawing upon both written and oral texts. Both works underline the close relationship between royal and sacred ritual as well as analyzing strategies of subordination with the cultural environment.

28.                 Ritual and symbolic processes involved in the establishment assertion of legitimacy.

29.                 Buckler page 7-8.

30.                 How do rulers connect to the people?

31.                 Tipu Sultan’s Life

32.                 Foundation Stone.

33.                 Mother: Fatima Begum, second wife of Haider.

34.                 Named Tipu after Sufi saint Tipu Mastan Auliya – whose tomb in Arcot the prospective parents had visited to pray for the birth of a son.)”


36.                 Mysorean views of taking control – not usurpation: Islam must rule. Very simple.

British and Hindu views: Usurpation. Possibly there were mixed feeling from both camps as this is just life in general – people come to rule with their constructed birth ideologies ( religious and faiths) confessing to this or that but pragmatically the rule is a signpost to glory, fame and self importance ( soul’s striving – inner feelings). “ I can establish this or that….it will be good for us and them….(MJM).


1.         1732 death of Krishna raja Wodeyar I. No adult apparent

a.                                            Tipu Sultan, the eldest son of Haider Ali, was born on December 10, 1750 at Devanhalli.

b.                                           A writer of 1780s described Haider’s military genius as comparing him o Ghingiz Khan, Timur and Nadir Shah.  His battle worthiness brought him recognition and to the attention of Nanjaraja. He made Haider a Faujdār of Dindigul, responsible fro pacifying the refectory poligars ( chieftains responsible for law and order and revenue collection) of the region.

c.                                            His first days as a new small time chieftain saw his son, Tipu,  and family hold up as prisoners at Seringapatam. By July 1761 he regain custody of his family and land.

d.                                           Katar told Haider: “ Give me my own lands for my own subsistence rated at two lakhs of pagodas  (per annum) and you are welcome to the rest.” So Haider gave him his request most possibly to get his family out of danger. The Mysore Kater had total control over the noble family line of rulers the Wodeyar, which determined the line of succession.

e.                                            Significant in the consolidation of Haider’s power was his capture in early 1763 of Benur, which had been the seat of the Ikkeri rulers since 1639. This wealthy city had benefited from its location at the convergence of the many trade routs passing from Mangalore to the ghats.

f.                                              Right from his early years he was trained in the art of warfare and at the age of 15 he used to accompany his father Haider Ali, the ruler of Mysore, to different military campaigns.

g.                                           Haider issued coins, always a symbol of sovereignty by way of disbursing knowledges. His father also set about raising his son to become a good leader and an intelligent man. “ appointing a suitable hand of attendants to wait upon him and employing learning tutor to carry on his education.”

h.                                           Haider said about his future son’s position: “ if the wheel of fortune should turn about, and he should have powers against him, with whom he could not contend in the field.”

i.                                             Education is just an important as a military training to his father.

j.                                             One British clerk from the East Indian Company in Madras ( Mr. Stuart)  wandered into Nizam, taken prisoner and forced to lead a Mysore army, but escaped by subterfuge a few months later. Haider  was cited as saying “ never doubted the soldiership of a man who wore a Hatt.” Haiders faith in British and French militaryship came from observations of campaigns in the Carnatic. He was said to have employed French engineers as early as 1755 to assist in the organization of his artillery and arsenal.

k.                                            Haider died in his sixties ( some say at 60) from a carbuncle, during the second Anglo-Mysore war. His father maintained tight control of his domains and never allowed a British resident to be maintained at his court ( no ambassadors). He was suspicious of foreigners, both European and Indian ( possibly because of spies).

l.                                             1760s Haider engaged the Marathas and British. It was during the first Anglo-Mysore war in 1767, at the age of seventeen, that Tipu was given his first command, nder his eye of his military instructor Ghazi Khan.

m.                                          Tipu became an able military fighter with successful campaigns against the Marathas in 1773-4 and achived notable victories over the British during the second Anglo-Mysorean war, both at Pollilur near Conjeeveram in 1780 and at Kumbakonam in Tanjore in 1782.

n.                                           The British saw Haider as a usurper, and his sons succession as smooth. This is in part the feelings of the Hindus who didn’t like the exclusive politics of the Islamic overlord policies. This was a view of state affairs and not what was going on from the perspective of the Mysorean Islamic movement. They saw this as natural to the rule of Allah. Muslims must rule the world. It is that simple.

o.                                           To form legitimacy political marriage of Tipu bound by two disputed marriages, ending up marrying both and on the same night. Did this happen in Christianity? Muslims are allowed up to four wives and many concubines, i.e. slaves.

p.                                           The purchase of slaves continued in Istanbul and Georgia, within the Ottoman Framework ( they ruled as the second wave in history of the large encompassing Islamic states – the first Umayyad c.750 and Abbasid c. 1250 as seen as the entire first wave).

q.                                           Haider maintained a zanāna, in Ottoman the more popular term a harem (full of women for pleasure). These were high-caste Hindus, but some were women from the slave purchases from the Ottoman Empire, as well as daughters of Muslim political aspirates. Giving a gift of a daughter was seen as a symbol of a Muslim rulers legitimacy.  These were Muslim girls from Arcot, Tanjore, Hyderabad, Gurramkonda and other places.

r.                                             1784: Tipu Sultan is enthroned as the ruler of Mysore in a simple ceremony at Bednur on 4th May.

s.                                            His rule is said to have two phases. First was the signing in March 1784 the Treaty of Mangalore.

t.                                             1792: Signing of the Mangalore Treaty. ( Napoleon in the Army Europe).

u.                                           Tipu fought battles with other chieftains and accused them of conspiracy most possibly as an excuse to secure his lands. Most of the time, Tipu spent time naming his lands, and reconfiguring the Hindu realms under his control to Islamic vibes. This was his constituency, who have knowledges familiar to Islam in which to feel comfortable in the body


Tipu changes social and physical infrastructure to Islamic traditions.


(1)  Introduction of new calendar, by Tipu, the Islamic calendar which creates new knowledges affecting the Body as  holidays affect the body in rituals of the Body in Islam such as fasting and eating. One can feel the impact on the Hindus who didn’t follow the body rituals of Islam.

(2)  Founded mints, under took new building projects ( Islamic ones) and became involved in commercial affairs of India.

(3)  In 1764, the Dutch sold the Raja’s two key fortresses of Ayicotta and Cranganur. On top of this, Rama Varma, of the raja of Travancore, ordered military defenses on disputed lines between Mysore and Travancore – both claiming they were given these areas. This caused tension. Rama challenged Tipu, of whom Rama was an ally of the British. The Travancore had sought to ally themselves with the British against the Islamist ruler. They hid them at Chirakkal, Calicut and Kadattanad. Tipu wished that these places too would be given to him ( returned because of original usurpation? ) .

(4)  Tipu fights Marathas in the Northern bords and defeates them late 1876 to 1787. He then dispatches embassies internationally to the Ottomans, his friends, and to the French who are competing for trade in India. He dispatches embassies to Sultan Abdul Hamid I in Istanbul and Louis XVI of France.  He received the Ottoman blessing with allowance to use the title of Caliph ( January 1790).

(5)  The Travancore lines in December 1789 began to see Tipu’s forces arriving in which at the end of the month skirmishes broke out and Tipu’s forces suffered casualties. From then until April the next year Tipu attempted in vain to negotiate with the Raja, the British acting as mediators. We can almost hear the discussions, about Islam differences in faiths, beliefs and knowledges of the body compared to Islam. The land was not in dispute, but the body was – how was the body incorporated into the geography, controlled by juridical power and disciplinary knowledges.

(6)  After Negotiations broke down, Tipu launched a cannonade at the lines and the raja’s fled, which enacted British Governor-General, Lord Cornwallis who reacted in beginning a third Anglo-Mysore war. Tipu ambitions for a Islamic ‘ growing’ state demonstrated the hold onto the aspects of how the body must prosper on the physical earth.

(7)  Later that year Cornwallis signed treaties, for consolidation with Peshwa, the Nizam, the Bib of Cannanore, the Raja’s of Coorg and Cochin, and several other Malabar chiefs. The negotiations rested on the consolidation of the Rani Lakshmi Ammanni , seen by the British as the restoration form the usurping Haider.

(8)  These wars are evidence that Islamic overlordship did not fit the precepts of the body. Hidus have different rituals then Muslims and a different understanding of how the body works in society. These wars show that this was the main cause and not for land or trade revenue. The argument escalated to the foreigners who came into India initially looking for ways to better their bodies. Spices was one way the Renaissance happened. People lived  longer because food storage life and and preservatives in the spices help condition the body to live longer. Thus the state became involved in trader initially to make the body last longer. This also meant warring over other knowledges as to how the body gets its purpose.

(9)  In November Tipu invaded Carnic and achieved several victories but his forces suffered defeats in Malabar which established British supremacy in that area. This reversal of fortunes continued into the following year: In February Conrnwallis entered My sore and in March captured the fort of Nabgalor, in April the fort of Dharwar surrendered to the Marathas after several months’ siege, and by May the Governor-General was within a few miles of Seringapatam. By this time his army was in poor condition, as the result of the weather, lack of food and an outbreak of smallpox, and unsure of the whereabouts of his allies, he decided to return to Bangalore. In February 1792, after the capture of several Mysore forts, the allies returned and launched an attack on the capital. On the twenty-fourth of that month, with the enemy at the walls of the fort and facing overwhelming odds, Tipu entered into negotiations for peace. There negotiations culminated in the signing of the treaty of Seringapatam on 18 March.

(10)                   The treaty for Tipu was humiliating and caused him to cede half territory of his kingdom. The Brtish were rewarded the districts of Baramahal and dindigal, the whole of Coorg and a large part of Malabar coast, including ports of Calicut and Cannanore. Maratha territory now extended to the river Krishna and the Nizam aquired Cumbum, Cuddapah, ganjikota and the area between the lower tungabhadra river and the Krishna. Tipu also had to pay an indemnity. Also, the hardest of the clauses of the treaty were the handovers of two young sons. Abdul Khaliq, age eight, and Muizuddin, age five. Accompanied by their father’s negotiators the boys were delivered up to Cornwallis. It would be two years until they returned.

(11)                   The whole saga had a significant affect on Tipu. According to Kirmani, he abandoned his bed, sleeping only on khadi, as some kind of vow or penance. Whether this is true or not it is expressive of the state of mind which seems to have overcome him. As a Muslim he would have seen the hand of God at work in his defeat and it must have occurred to him that his misfortunes may in fact have been some form of divine retribution.

(12)                   He began to refer to his domains as Sarkar-I Khudādādī, or God-given realm, and his thoughts turned to Jihad.  In 1793 he ordered the composition, by one of his leading courtiers, Zein ul-Abidin Shastari, of the Mu’ayyid ul Mujahidin,  a collection of Khutbas in verse dealing with the benefits of Jihad, ‘ilm ( knowledge) and prayer, and the Zad ul-Mujahidin, a treaties of the duties of Muslims, again with special references to holy war against infidels, the author of the latter work being the Qazi of Seringapanan, Ghulam Ahmad. 

Jos Gommans

·“ If they granted mansabdars the Empire would have fallen much earlier.” (Gommans 62).

·  “Peasant revolts in late 17th and early 18th century because of the assertiveness of zamindars became less concerned with meritocratic and imperial service” – didn’t bode well.

1. Jamindar, Gommans

a.  “Zamindars were strongly rooted in local Indian society.” “Hence, his readiness for distant imperial service was much more limited.”

b.  House hold were a major building blocks of the military. Apart from military retainers, ones extended family consisted of numerous personal and servants and friends, either near home of spread out all over the country. These were networks of patronage, and the key significance to how the Indian society worked with all religions involved.

c.  Even the military retainers were loyal to some household- to the one “ whose salt they ate.”

2. Mughāl’s hoped that zamindars would become mansabdars.

a. Zamindars revolts became more frequent in the northern regions during the 17th century.

b. “Witness a growing assertiveness on part of the Zamindars.”

c.  Dissatisfaction with demands on the agrarian resources by the imperial forces.

d. Murshid Quili Khan and other Zamindars that consolidated power made it harder for the imperial mansabdaris to enforce tax revenue from their land. They armed their peasants as discussed.

e.   The collections could not be assessed correctly, This lead to war.

f.  17th century was a watershed period of the shifting power from the mansabdar dominance to the Zamindar dominance.

g.  Hand guns make their presence now.

h. Abul Fazl states that what is needed is a “principle of harmony.”

3.  How to turn small war bands that conquered into a large imperial army?

a.  Iqta system is in India and the Safavīd system.

b. Every holder of an iqta had a right to collect revenue from the assigned piece of land in exchange for military or administration services. These were conditional and temporary rights to accurately asses revenue proceeds. This meant that rulers had some type of control, by deciding who has an iqta right.

c. Inaccurate: “The Ottoman Army, for example, consisted mainly of tribal elements supported by timar land grants, the Ottoman version of iqta.” Note. The Ottoman army, the janissaries, was always paid directly from the nishanji at the imperial treasury and never was supported by local timars. Gommans is mixed up with a land grant (fief) to provincial sipahi, the cavalry, or the  ayans that arose in timars the later parts of the empire. The army was never ‘supported’ by the timar (fiefs). The Sipahi, the cavalry,  managed them, appointed by the center, and collected the revenue, and took his share. All property of the Ottoman Army, the janissaries, belonged to the Sutlan, and was part of the kul system.

d.Gommans source is from Der Islam ( footnote 44 Ch. 3) K. Röhnborn, ‘ Regierung and Verwaltung Irans unter den Safawiden’, in B. Spuler (ed). 1959. See TM; L. Lockhart, The Persian Army in the Safavi period.’

e.  Gommans also mixes up the janissaries as being the army of the Mamluks.

f. Gommans argues of a dual-structure whereas adhoc- military recruits fights alongside the imperial army which is the case only in the Ottoman empire during the mid-sixteenth century onward and it was not a common practice.

4.Akbar or the Mughāls didn’t run a kul system.

a.Pasha households in the Ottoman empire is relevant but not brought up in Gommans because he didn’t use the correct sources.

b. Households are used in India, but they do not consist of imperial kuls as they were in the Ottoman empire.

c. “Strikingly missing in the household segments of the Mughāl army was a substantial number of military slaves. Military slaves had been an important element in the Delhi sultanate, but began to disappear again during the fourteenth century.”

d. Incorrect: Mamluks never had janissaries ( Gommans 83).

e.   So final argument is no free military service.

f. Gommans tried to form the issue of slave military in India when there was none.

g.  Mughāl army under about  a few hundred great military retainers, and about 100,000 to 200,000 mounted retainers.

h.  Partly financed by cash thought the imperial treasury, but mainly by assignments of jagirs. The Indian version of iqta.

i.   “Mansabdars represented not only the military elite but also represented the ruling class of the empire at large.”

j.They required military expertise, administrative and economic expertise.

k.   Mansabdar needed an extended network of patronage and court connections.

l. Market competition led the way for appointments. Who would take the least money and manage the largest land assessment.

m.  If this was the Ottoman system, then none of this applies, because it was a slave military system and never a bidding system.

n. Money was the entire Mughāls system. The More money the more mansabdars and larger the armies employed. When the Zamadars consolidated they then had new monetary leverage against the mansabdars. This seems to be the entire case. A military for hire, and a way to make a good living.

o.   Military marketing.

5. Aurnagzeb’s period saw vatan-jagirs form, and mansabdars mold into a type of Zamindar.

a. Therefore the entire fight hinged upon this shift.

b. The effects and significance was who could be the top zamindar power.

c. This then led to the chiefdoms and the decentralization thought the many wars.                                 

6.  British used first Mughāls knowledge as C.A. Bayly states then moved away when they found out that this knowledge didn’t work and that zamindars were leading the popular knowledge of what worked best.

a. Zamindars contributed to higher rates of loyalty and steadfastness, implicated by the higher prices paid and the dwindling of resources for paying the Mansabdars.

b.We see an inflation of the mansabdars in relation to the zamiondars as gommans points out.

c.“ the Mughāls were adverse to granting them long term service.”

d. Here, Gommans uses “Francios Bernier, modern historians have pointed out that the short-term commitment of the mansabdar to his jagir stimulated rack-renting and the abuse of the peasant population of the jagirs.” Note this was not the problem in general to the Ottomans who were not reliant on pay from the timars, as Gommans wrongly cited (see above).

e.“ But are the Mughāls to be blamed? If they had granted the mansabdars more permanent rights in their jagirs, the empire would have fallen apart much earlier” (Gommans 92).

f. Remember the above statement doesn’t apply to the ottomans as their system was a slave based system and the Mughāls didn’t use a slave based system.        

8.   The Mughāl’s attempted to co-opt the zamindars into the mansabdari systems.

9.  Mughāl system was to adopt all religious affiliations into the military system, except Aurangzeb.

10.                 Military

a. More exciting to join the military then in central Asia.

b.Why? More monetary incentives.

c.  The difference was only the degree.

d.  Political rank never collapses on one another, indicating no racism and everyone got along. Everything was monetary involved. According to Gommans this even crossed the line of patronage households.

e.   Mughāls didn’t recruit all the different religious or ethnicities into the military to show management of divide and conquer, but their willingness to keep employment in the Indian country instead of relying on employment form outside India, and claiming that Indian military is far superior as well.

f.   Military market was diverse “comprising of ethnic and caste groups of which the Turanis, Iranis, Afghans, Rajputs and Marathas were the most significant.”

g. Zamindars were well armed had lots of monetary avenues to build military careers for their protection. “ Almost every Indian (including all peasants, and middle class)  had some kind of experience with arms and combat.”

h.  According to Abul Fazl, there were more than 4.4 million qualified military man in the Mughāls state. These figures are supposed to represent local militia and not military troops.

i.  Obviously, the Mughāl’s couldn’t come anywhere near to engaging, weather directly or indirectly, such masses of armed people”.

11.                 Aurangzeb

a.   “Aurangzeb himself considered the Turanis superior to the Rajputs.”

b. Turanis discipline compared to rajput bravery.

c. Rajputs fought to the death even in a losing battle, and Akbar noted that he wants to save his men. So if the army is losing just retreat knowing that there will be another day to fight. It is possible that Akbar picked up this policy after receiving knowledges from Iran of Tamasp I successful tactics against Süleyman “the Magnificent.” This was a successful plan that also saved many men on both sides of the battlefield.

d.   “Shah Tamasp of Iran had advised Humayun to recruit Rajputs instead of Afghan because he would never be able to win the latter’s friendship.” ( Note: Sunni and Shi’i differences in these relationships)

12.  Interested in war bands, geography and economy. He is not interested in the religious aspects as much in his writings.

13.   Work: Gommans, Jos Mughul Warfare, Warfare and History. India Frontiers and High roads to Empire 1500-1700. Routledge 29 west 35th Street, New York. NY 10001. 2002.

14.  According to Jos Gossmans, What was the downfall of the Mughāls? : Subject is Mansabdars vs. Zamindars. Zamin/land dar/ holders – Persian.

15.                 Iran

a.Confronted the Mughāls although they fount on babur and Humayuan’s side again the Uzbek and Afghan (Sunni) wars.

16.  Marathas, or deshmukhs.

a. Dry savannah of the deccan plateau

17.                 Recruitment of the Deccan

a.    First Mughāl “success hinged upon their capacity to entice the Deccani warlaords away from their Adilshahi (Bijapur) and Qutbshahi (Golkonda) patrons”

b.  Entice byu cash and jagirs ( jadindars).

c.  Dutch East Indian Company introduced German order and discipline.

d. 60 Muslim Deccan warlords, and about 100 Maratha chiefs, who were the core of the Bijapuri forces, mainly in the lower ranks of the mansabdari system.

18.                 British find Padshah, padishad ( i indicting followers of). The ruler [ stabilizer]  of the world.

19.  Shahansshahi the Islamic counterpart in the almost equally universal Caliphate ( By now the Caliph title was loosely used by Muslim rulers of different ethnicities).

20. “Sultanates of the Deccan, time and again, turned openly towards Shi’ism and acknowledged Safavid suzerainty ( JG 21). This included the Moghūls.

21. Nuclear (politico-socio-eco) zones.

22.  1516 Mughāls started their raids into Hindustan ( Bengal is in this area).

23. Mughla legitimacy ranged form controlling the inner and outer zones of power.

24.    They controlled six major centralizing  zones.

25. From Kubal to Rajmahal, the Deccan, Mawla in the south [ eastern and western Ghats]. Controlled the trade crossroads.

26.  Deccan tended to go towards the southeast. Army bulk congregated here.

27.   Delhi-Agra region is a crossroads.

28. Important ports were Rajmahal and Bengali. Northeastern was given freer reign or autonomy because military could not live and function there.

29. Eastern movement of main Bengal rives helped the Mughāls to get closer to Bengal. They had interest in grain industries to feed army and make money. Moved capital to Dhaka in 1610. Rajmahal resting place for army.

30.  Orientalism:

31.  The Mughāls tragically failed [a strong word, why" some leaders had success, while other leaders sought other binding policies, so complex and not simple as general stereotype]  (From whose perspective?) (JG 33). Gommans loved the East Indian company. “ the empire was falling apart at the height of its expansion” (JG 33).

32.                 WAR BANDS

33. Babur took the title of Ghazi. He did this to spread Islam.

34.  Social cohesion: Fringe groups ( band of Ghazis were not like modern day fundamentalists, but consisted of open status groups)  not based on orthodoxy of religions. “Ghazi itself doesn’t refer to some kind of holy war at all, but merely to the more opportunistic razzia, or raid […]” (JG39).

35.    Ghazi is an opportunist razzi.

36.  “The Mughāls built their empire on exploitation of the inner frontier” (JG39)

37.   “Sufi saints could also be a part of the ghazi band”(JG45)

38.  “What we see is a dual society based upon two different economic systems, but also on two different social structures and two different cultures” (JG39).

39.  Disciples venerating their commanders as Pīr’s  -  armed devotees of the would-be messiah (JG 45). “These chiliastic connections served continued to serve as major recruiting networks for the Mughāl army” ( JG45).

40.   Social distinctions of sufi-warriors […] the open air of the military camp […] between sufi and warrior were porous”

41.  chiliastic: The doctrine stating that Jesus will reign on earth for 1,000 years.

42.   While the phenomenon of the Ghazi war-bands is clouded by prevailing image of Islamic Jihad, its Hindu counterpart is often misrepresented as a result of present-day tendencies to idealize the concept of ahimsa, or non-violence. Notwithstanding its popular image, mostly informed by Mahatma Gandhi and propagandists of neo-Hinduism, it appears that classical Hinduism even misses a tradition of anti-militarism. ( FACT Indians were mean fighters like everyone else) This is also the general description of the Sanskrit texts and inscriptions that refer to the earliest confrontations with Islam ( JG47).

43.  Ghazi: We find instances of irreconcilable hostility and religious toleration next to each other […] depending upon changing political and socio-economic circumstances (JG 47).

44.                 British survey:

45.  Bengal  is  one extremity of Hindustan and to proceed to Zabulistan and I hope that Turan and Iran and other countries may be added ( this was ambitious).

46.  October began military season for peasants in the arid zone. Military labor tended to be different in both zones. Arid tracts for irregulars, and more professional full timers for monsoon areas; where less people because more of them attended the growing of food for India and commerce. This happened to be the policy for the East Indian Company. They recruited wel drilled professionals from the “fertile eastern tracts of Hindustan” (JG 12).

47.Idealized and analyzed old Sanskrit texts, for instant analyzed by Francis Zimmermann have Orientalist characters of geography of indigenous people living in India in which made a subjugated knowledge from the normative treaties that drew clear cult distinctions between marshy eastern lands and western arid lands. “The eastern ones being fat, round and susceptible to disorders of the phlegm, the western ones being thin, dry and of a bilious temperament” ( JG13). In a way these descriptions seem not that much difference from the later, racist descriptions of the British surveyors selecting the so-called martial tribes of India ( For the military).

48. Alexander von Humboldt: certain egotism of self-culture. Sent out by the Dutch East India Company to find the Northeast Passage.

49.  Note that the zamandiris became powerful and the Mughuls eventually lost control of them as they begin to back the Marathas, which begin to start winning wars against the Mughāls (mjm).

50.                 End of 17th century the Marathas begin to start winning wars against the Mughuls. 

51.    Mansabs: Mansabars:

52.    book principle is laid out in dichotomy.

53. Thesis of first chapter is warfare cannot be studied without understanding the geography of India.

54. Arid zones take precedence over Monsoon ( non-arid) zones; east west dichotomy in India’s monsoon climate –west approximately 60 in. per year – east approximately 80 in per year and up to 120 inches in the foothills and mountains.

55. Military labor market employs thousands of farmer/peasant soldiers each year and is one of the most salient features of military life in northern India and should be closely linked to specific conditions of India’s dry land. The crucial point in that the organization of military labor tended to be different in both zones. In the non-Arid regions, the military recruits were more hard to control, but had more expertise and special talents of warfare tactics, as compared to the Arid zones. In the arid zones military tended to be seasonal, or part time and thus less specialized. The arid tracts were ideal areas for irregulars, as easily gathered and dissolved ( Not yearly payments adjustments).   By contrast in areas that military service tended to be year round ( full time) the peasants tended to be professional warriors.

56.British made Orientalist commentary toward the differentiations of both zones people, calling them so-called martial tribes of India.

57.Thesis in ch. 1: It is my contention that this concept, of lateral lines of communications radiating outwards, is also relevant for understanding the process of imperial expansion under the Mughuls. Especially during the early years when the Mughuls came down to road building.

58. The more central administration invests in the area, for example for defense or control, the more its liability to become top-heavy, to break away and to start  a new center of its own.

59.  According to early Indian texts, more of less confirmed by contemporary accounts of Chinese pilgrims, the sub-continent consisted of five regions: Madhyadesha or the Middle Country, Uttarapatha or Northern India, Pracya or eastern India or Eastern India, Daksinapatha or Sourthern India  and Aparanta or Western India. Here we have the unusual number of five relating to four wind directions emanating from a center. Interestingly, two of these Sanskrit names literally refer to the meaning of road or patha, hence Uttarapatha becomes northern road and Dakshinapatha becomes southern road.

60.  As a result the process of state formation in India involved the command over both the inner frontier and the limits. In more practical terms, for the Mughuls this imperative came down to the control of five or six nuclear zones of power which epitomizes this combination of agrarian surplus, extensive marchland and long-distant trade routs.

61.   Control the corn routs ( all grains in this context of India) . The vital east-west connections ( roads) created commercial and pastoralist crossroads, which the Mughāls, like any political power of the interior, needed to control.


63.  It was this east-west connections that the Marathas emerged as the prime rival of Mughāl power in the region.

64.  Strong warhorses which made the control of Kabul so crucial to the Moghuls. Kabul served as the hub of India’s trade with Central Asia and , to a lesser extent, with Iran as well.

65. Bengal was hard to keep under control because of the extensive tributaries and the climate was injurious to horses. Akbar even doubled the allowances of the nobles stationed in Bengal.

66.  Mughāls succeeded partly because the main river courses had gradually shifted eastward, which enabled them to remove their capital from Rajmahal to Dhaka in 1610.

67.  Mughāls begin to lose to the Marakas about the end of  the 17th Century (1690s).

68.   Mughāls didn’t appease the Zamindaris and they became rich and power full, when in Bengal  after Murshid Quli showed up at the behest of Aurangzab.

69. Rajputs were not likened because they would fight to the death even in losing battles and the Mughāls didn’t like losing their men in battle -even when they knew they would lose. The Mughāls wanted retreaters instead of martyrs. – it would be more permissible for the Rajputs, according to the Mughuls if they would return and retreat in case things became hard on the battlefield and it appeared they would start to lose.

70. Mughāls were composed of a whole bunch of ahsham: all sorts of rag-tag foot- retainers ( piyadagan)  [soldiers], comprising of clerks, runners, gate keepers, palace guards, couriers, swordsmen, wrestlers, slaves and palanquin bearers. These infantry consisted of a few thousand musketeers ( banduqchis) commanded by a ‘captains of ten’ (mir-dahs).

71.Rajputs: (räj´poots) [Sanskrit,=son of a king], dominant people of Rajputana , an historic region now almost coextensive with the state of Rajasthan, NW India. The Rajputs are mainly Hindus (although there are some Muslim Rajputs) of the warrior caste. traditionally they have put great value on etiquette and the military virtues and take great pride in their ancestry. Of these exogamous clans, the major ones were Rathor, Kachchwaha, Chauhan, and Sisodiya. Their power in Rajputana grew in the 7th cent., but by 1616 all the major clans had submitted to the Mughāls . With the decline of Mughāl power in the early 18th cent., the Rajputs expanded through most of the plains of central India, but by the early 19th cent. they had been driven back by the Marathas, Sikhs, and British. Under the British, many of the Rajput princes maintained independent states within Rajputana, but they were gradually deprived of power after India attained independence in 1947. (

Paul Goalen ( muslims/Mughāls were what destroyed India, not the British[ Imperialists and controllers]

1.     A 1990s books ( three)  aimed at the teaching for eighth –graders.

2.     Paul Goalen, Head of History Homerton College, Cambridge. “India, From Mughāl empire to British Raj”.

3.     Abul Fazl, who wrote the story of Akbar’s life.

4.     “After Barbur’s death in 1530, his soun Humayun became Emperor. Humayun ruled until he died in a fall down his library stairs in 1556. His son Akbar became the New Mughāl  emperor, aged only 13.” “ What sort of person was the young Akbar?”

5.     A Victory tower made out of the enemies’ heads.” Painted in about 1590. this was a custom of the earlier Mughāl  emperors. What effect do you think a tower life this would have on people?

6.     “Hemu’s  [ Hindi general] body was brought before Akbar and was beheaded. His head was sent to Kabul and his body was sent to Delhi to be placed on a gibbet as a warning to others. Those who had supported Hemu were killed and thjeir heads were made into a victory tower.”

7.     “Akbar never learned to read or write[…]” Akbar killed the regent, and “ Another threat to yong Akbar’s power was his cruel and ambitious foster-brother Adham Khan. In 1562 Akbar had Adham Khan thrown to his death from the palace walls as punishment for murdering one of Akbar’s ministers.” “ Why do you think Akbar never learned to read?”

8.     Goalen presents Akbar as a tyrant who was a brutal thug, and formulated this opinion because he didn’t come from a traditional family ( actually he describes like a dysfunctional family) and also  because he was illiterate. Therefore, anyone having these characteristics or life circumstances is as the portrayal of Akbar’s character.

9.     “ Whilst the Mughāl s ruled India in luxury, most of their subjects lived in villages, and many of them were very poor.”

10.  Poor peasants ate once a day, had no clothes but corse garments, had no furniture, owned no property other than a straw mat in which somehtins was shared by the whole family living in one room. They would sell their good food and eat corse food to survice.

11.  In contrast, Mughāl s lived in opulent wealth, spending fortunes on personal comforts and even supporting expensive animal upkeeps. For example, Akbar had over 1000 suits, and this is compared to no suits for the Indian peasants. Mughāl s had jewels and money and peasants had nothing. Feeding animals cost 50,000 rupees a day.

12.  “ Emperor Shahjahan is believed to have spent 30,000 rupees (£ 3,750) each day on his harem ( the women and their living quarters). Each noble had three to four wives and each wife had 10,20, or 100 slaves according to her wealth. The nobles probably spent most of their money on their harems.”

13.  Significance: Goalen paints a picture that it was good that the British came into India to dispose the evil Mughāl s.  Therefore, justifying their exploitation.

14.  Burton Stein’s opening argument is Islam came into India because India lived in decadence and waste, so thus, Mughāl s are the same.

15.  Famines in India because they had no backup water system, meant that Indian saw their people’s lives as cheap.

16.  Mansabdars used violence and force and did it quickly. “Peasants are first beaten without mercy and maltreated and then sold in the public marketplace as slaves. They are carried off, attached to heavy iron chains, to various markets and fairs, which their poor unhappy wives behind them carrying their small children in their arms, all crying and lamenting their evil plight.”

17.  In this picture Goalan presents Indians as weak and submissive who took beatings and were slaves. “ these poor people [ Indians ] have their surplus [ spare money and crops] confiscated and their children carried away as slaves. […] sometimes they run away to territories outside the Mughāl Empier.”

18.  Golans tells us that if the Indians cannot pay the Mughāls then their children are taken from them and sold into slavery.


Michael Foucault:

  •  Knowledge comes from the persons- people who hold ultimate power -- they create the books, the terms, the identifications that define the cultures they rule or control.

1.  Power comes from below” Sexuality. Intellects are not as sexual, therefore hte bottom up phenomena is driven by sexuality-- possibly the frustrations of sexuality to rule so they can have better partner opportunities.

2.Juridical power is laws that are dictated by the state that have disciplinary consequences connected to them.  "Disciplinary knowledges" on the other hand are realities we follow based upon our observance by natural conditioning to knowledges we learn by what is right or wrong in regards to how it effects our everyday constraints ( lives).

3.     “ the moment where it became understood that it was more efficient and profitable in terms of the economy of power to place people under surveillance then to subject them to some exemplary power” ( Foucault Power/know 38).

4.  “If I open a book and see that the author is accusing an adversary of “infantile leftism” I shut it again right away”. (This interview took place in order for Foucault to answer questions frequently asked by American audiences. It was conducted by Paul Rabinow in May 1984, just before Foucault’s death. It was translated by Lydia Davis and published in volume 1 “Ethics” of “Essential Works of Foucault”, The New Press 1997. Copyright Paul Rabinow. <>2005)

Andre Wink

1. Believes multi sovereignty is possible.

2. Vakif, big issue with him.

3. Power/sovereignty is by fitna ( sedition). “Management through conflict”.

4.They  are not strong on their own, but co-shares of the realm – this goes with Stein and Brittlebanks  of a type of syncretic relationship. Eaton says the Hindus and Muslims lived side-by-side but never mixed their faiths, but were always in competition.

5.   “ ambition is to become stronger by encroaching upon each other ( Wink 187)” meaning a syncretic inter-consecutiveness.

6.  Conquest almost always passed […] always through a dual government.

7.  Sovereignty was dependant upon fitna” (AW 178).

8.                    “It was always incorporation of disorder […] which made possible the establishment of sovereignty,  ”  and   “[…] extremes of this continuum the fundamental principle of sovereignty remained that of  management through conflict. Sovereignty was dependant on the measure that fitna could be institutionalized”  ( Wink 190-194).

9.                     “ It was always incorporation of disorder […] which made possible the establishment of sovereignty. ”  ( Wink 194).

10.                 Work: Wink, André. Land and Sovereignty in India, Agrarian Society and Politics under the Eighteenth-century Maratha Svar~jya. University of Leiden.

11.The Co-Sharered of the realm. Cambridge University Press

12.Multi-Sovereignty is possible. [ Multiculturalism governance]

13.The old notion of ‘despotism’ or unmitigated sovereignty is of no value to understanding the mechanics of Mughul policies.

14. Wink’s India is Sovereignty: = sedition|| fitna – an act of conduct  or language of  rebellion against authority or the state; insurrection; rebellion.

15. Different view from Calkin in that: A sovereign, of a potential sovereign, to be successful in conquests, first  had to entrench himself within the structure of zamindari and other hereditary rights such as are called vatan in the Deccan.

16. In differentiation, the argument of Calkin is that one needs to torture or beaten into submission the zamindars to force them to comply, whereas Wink believes that the cooperation of the gentry was needed along with Fitna by intervention in the conflictive structure of vested rights essential in state-expansion to access the agrarian resource base without which no state could survive. Without it not even an army could maintain itself. Thus Fitna and generalized taxation were the conditions of sovereignty in India, and the two are related in such a way that purely technical parameters involved in a land-revenue settlement cannot account for the working of the fiscal system. This is because the fiscal system is intimately bound up with the vested rights of the zamindars. This is a tough concept to understand, however, this is where scholarship, as Wink points out, is difficult to recognize if we limit ourselves.

17. Thus the 19th Century British reports suffer from a centralist point of view in all aspects covered, indicating that they could not get to the real understanding of the system – thus generating artificial views – like in reality conquest is ‘ drawing’ zamindars. As it is put by the }jn~patra (33-Odin), the Martha treaties on politics which was written in the wake of the Mughul invasions.

The story is that hereditary rights caused massive disputes and unstablility, and was in opposition western understanding of private property that created this confusion.

1)     Government

a)Zamindars, vatan in the deccan. (Various names)

i) Inheritance of joint family asset. Male members had birthright to property.

ii) Vatans, zamindars, and chiefdoms of the co-shares of the realm were held by vested right and descended in patrilineal inheritance”.  [patrilineal Relating to, based on, or tracing ancestral descent through the paternal line]

b)     Mansabdar

i)  No ownership at all. This is a Muslim surveillance system where the king is allowed 1/3 proceeds of annual economic output, and collection of revenue is accomplished either by tax farming or direct payment annually.

c)The interest of the vatandars do not ‘coincide’’ with that of the sovereign” Cf. Thompson, Indian Princes.

d) Hereditary rights in Islam was only for the Sultan as defined in the shari’ah,and the only property privately allowed to exists according to the shari’ah was endowments, as part of the six pillars of Islam, or things a Muslim must complete in his life on earth. This was of utmost importance. The Hindu traditions of common-community bloodline hereditary rights conflicted with these notions.

e)Zamindars are either loyal subjects to the king and loyal co-shares of the real or they cultivate an opposition to the ruler.

f)      “Stopping the vatandars can be dangerous; at the same time, allowing them complete freedom of movement will make manifest their peculiar nature” “ these two extremes the king has to avoid.”  “ the right way to assure their loyalty is to keep them positively ‘ in between friendship and suppression.’”

g)     Mughāls could ask for tribute or a land-assessment. Customary practice was allowed by the Mughāls sometimes.

2)     Conquest

i) Followed by land assessment and taxation

ii) The gentry were needed to stir up conflict so that the army could move in and take over.

iii)  Without this “ no state could survive.”

iv)“ this is because the fiscal system is intimately bound up with the vested rights of the zamindars.” ( as conceived by Main) Wink tells us.

v) We also have Fink citing the Maratha text for these points of conquest and sovereignty. Fink then concludes that “
 “Sedition was  the means of establishing sovereignty”

vi)   Different view then Calkin, who states.

vii) “ A conquering power needed local knowledge to be able to wedge itself into the conflictuous [sic] structure of vested rights, while for the holders of these rights, the zamindars or vatandars, it was a problem of measuring or estimating the chances of success of the conquering power against those of the established sovereign.”

viii) “Transitory stage of dual government” “ ‘conquest’ or the establishment of sovereignty- partial or complete – which is immediately followed up by a land-revenue settlement” ( conceived by main).

ix) Conquest: issuances of kauls and ‘ proculmations of safty’ and sanads or other documents confirming as we as delaminating their rights against those of local rivals.

x) There is the king’s share’ were made by Murshid Quli Khan and some made in the deccan and other made by Shivaji after he returned from Agra.

xi) Fitna was used by competing, or invading rivalries to saw them to their side. This was done because of the finances involved. It is always about money.

xii) Other times peasants formed unions with the leader of the vatandars, mansabdar or zamindar and left the loyalty of the central power, as was the case with the Marathas and Shivaji plans. This bought on Arungzeb’s discontinuance to make annual surveys of India and concentrate on battling the deserters.

xiii) Rayats ( peasants or people living in a district)

3)     Chiefdoms

a)     Breakdown of system

b)     Decentralization and competition in which war breaks out that creates confusion and fragmentation.


In India, a holder or occupier (dar) on land (Zamin). The roots were Persian, and the resulting name was widely used wherever Persian Influence was spread by the Mughāls or other Indian Muslim dynasties. The Meaning attached to it were various. In Bengal the word denoted a hereditary tax collector who could retain 10 percent of the revenue he collected.


The Mughāls used the mansabdar system to generate land revenue. The emperor would grant revenue rights to a mansabdar in exchange for promises of soldiers in war-time. The greater the size of the land the emperor granted, the  greater number of soldiers the mansabdar had to promise. The mansab was both revocable and nonhereditary.


Did the mansabars begin to control themselves, and if so when?


Zamindars bloodline, and hereditary, according to subjected promotion disimilar in time and period. They control the peasant army, and had funds to arm them. This was key in Bengal as the tributaries, and seasons and climate made it hard for the Mughāls to keep a mandanar or the imperial army entrenched with control in the area.


“ In reality conquest in drawing zamindars”.

“Fitna and generalized taxation were the foundations of sovereignty in India, and the two are related in such a way that purely technical parameters involved in a land-revenue settlement cannot account for the working of the fiscal system.”


People fount against the  mansabaris when they cam to collect the taxes and

Zamindars called vatan in the deccan.

Zamindars in Bengal were


Epistemic (adj) conquest.

Of, relating to, or involving knowledge; cognitive.

Relying on or derived from observation or experiment.
being conscious intellectual activity (as thinking, reasoning, remembering, imagining, or learning words).


Philip B. Calkin

1.  Murshid Quili Khan 1700 d. 1727 sent by Aurangzeb to garner funds for wars with collecting taxes in Bengal.

2. “The coup of 1739 was brought about because the interests of the principal landholders, bankers, and many military men coincided.” (Philip B.  Calkin, Ruling group in Bengal).

3.   Work: Calkins, Philip B. The Formation of a Regionally Oriented Ruling group in Bengal, 1700-1740.

4.   Marathas and later Rajuts, Shiks.

5.  Q. Khan enforces torture if the zamandars do not pay up or lie about revenue. Then tries to take over as Muhgals lose power by separate legal system, moneylenders, banks, lenders consolidation of zamindars into his pocket. Then later a coup and all came together as sovereigns “ until the British began to destroy the system (806).”

6.  Murshid Quli showed up at the behest of Aurangzab to enforce a new tax upon Bengal to help offset the Mughul war chest needs. Tax issues were a major issue in regards to holding sovereignty (mjm).


8.  But when Zamindars were not changing hands accounting became difficult and this meant less knowledges.

9.  Summery of his: “Provincial system ( Bengal) did not bring chaos, decadence, or even, perhaps, a decline in administrative efficiency” ( 806).

10. Aurangzab’s point of view was that taxes needed tobe raised. Then the Marathas came and a need for taxes for an army to confront the Marathas led to him sending …. To Bengal. Bengal was an area that had great agriculture revenue, that was left unnoticed by other rulers, and Aurangzab thusly exploited it.

11.“ As the imperial government at the center of the empire weakened during the eighteenth century, the administration system of Bengal was adapted ( large commercial and financial interests) , with reasonable success, to account for the changing power relationships”.

12.Aurangzab sent Murshid Quli to Bengal around 1700, and from the date of his arrival until his death in 1727, with the exception of a period of two years, he was the most important  administrator in Bengal.

13.  Murshid Quli inhanced revenue demand, sometimes with tourter, and giving away land from one zamindar  to another for punishment. By the time of his death in 1727, fifteen largest amanindaris were responsible for almost half of the revenue of the province. Most zamindar holders who  couldn’t pay-off the elevated tax lost their rights to other zamindar that could pay-off that persons tax payments. This meant that originally when Quli appeared, many held landed rights, and much more diversified equal economy was in progress – as he consolidated most of the landed rights by his policies, the accountability suffered in that less information was correctly gathered by the tax collectors, and lost revenue was actually the opposite of what was the desired result of his policies. Thus, by the time of his death the zamindars held a power political force throughout Bengal. This was coupled by money lenders whose schemes of lending significant amounts of money to landholders in effort for them to default on the loans so that they could gain some sort of control and eventual gain permanent control of a zamindaris. This policy was appeased by the new banking system connected to the moneylenders.  Murshid Quli was in on this too as he put pressure on the Zamindaris to pay their revenue in full. Other groups sprang up as the Jagat Seths built an industry on collecting interest on loans which they made to zamindars.

14. Aurangzab noticed that politically things were changing and the central control was weakening giving him more flexibility in Bengal. He thus allied with the zamindars he consolidated with making his position strong in Bengal. It was obvious that his intentions were to stay in Bengal.

15. “ Key: As long as land was changing hands, the government was likely to  acquire information concerning its capacity to pay revenue; but once the pargana became part of the large zamindari, it was unlikely that the government would obtain much new information about it (Thus taxes and real revenue was hard to ascertain for the states tax collecting purposes).

F.W. Buckler

1.Power Sovereignty came from symbols and gifts.

2.Tried to show that Mughāls were not despots. By describing the symbols and gifts?  Kihalts, robes of honor, turbans.

3. “Friendship and vasselhood”.

4.  Nazr really means ‘ vow’  and not tribute.

5. Hence the political independence of the Deccan is a fiction. ( Haiderbhad 1723 - because it was a vow and not a tribute that has not ties but is paid often whereas a vow is symbolically binding).

6. However Haider wanted to break off and start his own state and Mughāls didn’t want it.

7.  “In the Mughāl Empire, in short, the Sunni creed stood for independence, the shi’I tenants for Persian suzerainty” ( Buckler 51)

8.   “usurpation of the Company”

9.  Author wants us to get rid of the Mughāl label of Despot. ( Eaton says the same thing [ check this]). Mistranslation of the word nazr as  ‘tribute’; the word means ‘ a vow’ in Arabic. Arabic words do not necessarily translate into English in the same context. This can be view similarly as the French language. Thus the argument is that -  Political independence of the Deccan is a fiction, as was the Bengal a few years later.thus, : “ As with any other vassal or subject, then a double link of acknowledgment bound the Company in its allegiance to the Mughul Emperor, down to the year 1843 – namely the offering of nazr and the acceptance of the Khil’at. Both instances appear to be religious significance. Hence it would seem that the source of sovereignty, too, was religious, and the nature of Mughul sovereignty appears to confirm this view”.

10. “The Counterpart of nazr, the vow, was the bestowal of the robe of honour, called in Persian, the sar~p~ (cap-à-pie) form the manner in which it was worn, and in Arabic, Khil’at, for its nature- that it had been worn by the donor. Robes of honour were given by the Mughul Emperor and his deputies to subjects only, in recognition of allegiance (nazr) or some art of merit, of authority conferred, of the return to allegiance or of entry into the Mughul State”.

11.  Buckler wants to get rid of the Mughul label of despot, as does Eaton.                

Burton Stein

1. Oritentism:

2. What was the pre-conquest? ( Stein 214).

3.British not a dirty deed ( need to find cite).

4. British used slaves and it was already established system in India.

5. Burton Stein’s opening argument is Islam came into India because India lived in decadence and waste, so thus,  Mughāl s are the same.

6.Average age of life in 1921 was late 30s to the 40s.

7.Perpetuate landowners and slavery institutions. (Stein 211).

8. Muslims like slaves ( Stein 217).

9. Personal fortunes come from privately owned land and operations.

10.Indians did the dirty deed by compliance ( Need cite).

11.positive that British came in (Stein 207).

12. Problems was the rise of ownership in India perpetrated by the British, according to Irschick’s views.

13.  Stein’s belief is that British brought European systems of modern military, mercantilism, and western property rights …

14. Mughāl absence of mind let British take over. ( I do not belive this).


15.Bombay, Madras, Northern India, and Bengal land reform to private property and new tax structures wich money changing hands from Mughāl bankers to Indian and British banker.

16.  Stein generalizes the early Middle Age of India as […] defined less by administration than by languages, sectarian affiliations and temples” (Stein 121).

17.  Work: Stein, Burton ‘A history of India’ Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 1988.

18.  Contradictions: Dichotomy; Poorly laid out chapters. One chapter may leave out pertinent articulation that will show up in another chapter. But, since the readers is not reading both chapters at once will take what is said, implied or left out (appearing in another chapter) and strike a disagreement with Stein. Many believe that Stein didn’t like Muslims.  Much of this is due to his poorly laid out chapters.

19.  One of his arguments is that culture is more important than politics.

20.  In fact politics glued the kingdoms together.

21.  711 kingdoms very small, but had interconnectedness.

22.  Indian medieval is defined according to Stein as consolidation of regional societies, in which the process political forms were more important elements than hard territorial boundaries (Stein 121).

23.  His main thesis is violence was the call of the medieval times in India.

24.  Stein argues that with the coming of Islam  also came wealth and generalized development, including a cultured society, and commodity production, of which contributed to India’s reputation for fabulous wealth and elegance ( Stein 121).

25.  Fact: India had a advanced culture and was wealthy and this was the number one reason that Islam sought out the region in history. This is Eaton’s view and more pragmatically explanation. Stein on the other hand, believes Islamic jihading ( Ghazis) was the reason that Islam initially came to India. Stein also admits that the Tang as well as Islam sought products form trade routs of the India expanding orders. This lays weight to Eaton’s claims that Islam sought out India for its wealth, whereas, Stein contradicts himself, by admitting it was Islam that brings in the wealth to India, and also it  is Islam that sought out India’s wealth in the beginning by coveting the “ fabulous wealth and elegance” that were observed by Islamic Arabia and the Tang of the intercontinental trade.  It is a fact that India attracted the British and Portugal to their shores during the age of exploration.

26.  Regional powers were well established – and it was the medieval system that there was no single imperial ruler. Each kingdom in the seventh Century were loosely structured political systems with many contenders striving for control over a small part of what they claimed.

27.  Contradictions: Medieval period politics presented an ambiguity of perspective that became stronger over time. That is, viewed from the royal center ( What?), all local authority was regarded as developed from itself; previously ( and still) autonomous magnates were perceived by central authorities as its officials, who were often given documents of appointment signifying their affiliation (158).

28.  Contrast: Medieval age in India was a scaled back version of politics and  the gradual development of regional cultures and economics (Stein, paraphrase p133) Eaton: “Pala Empire (ca. 750–1161)[…] , the early kings of this dynasty extended their sway far up the Gangetic Plain, even reaching Kanauj under their greatest dynast, Dharmapala (775–812) […] “ Eaton. Comment: extending their sway is indicative of advanced institutions and including advanced forms of political polices. One need to take into account that Stein acknowledges the Indian advanced trading industry, as well he should or be totally discredited, and that this industry was advanced and comprised a distant outreach program to such destinations of Arabia, and Tang, China; one needs to admit these institutions and interconnected administration are a highly raised form of politics, as noted by Eaton.

29.  Stein contradicts himself when he states that the medieval era saw less administration ( Stein, p121 Reorganization grapgh 1)  and more language and sectarian affiliations: However, Eaton says imperial systems of the Pala Empire extend their sway far up the Gangetic Plain. This involves heavy administrative organization. Also, Stein says that medieval Indian age was only consolidating of regional societies, but Eaton claims that the Pala Empire extended its say far up the genetic plain, indicating highly structural administrations, organizations, and inter-regional cooperation. 

30.  During the later medieval age, as states achieved increased powers to centralize – that is, to penetrate previously autonomous zones in their domains- this ambiguity persisted. The balance between magnates and kings shifted according to the strength of the royal center, but tensions remained and, with it, mutual antagonism” ( Stein 158).

31.  ( See Stein Sultan 16th Century roots in India p. 158).

32.  States and Communities: p155 “The brief moment of centralized authority achieved by Krishnadevaraya draws attention to the changing relationship between states and communities during the pre-Moghul ear of the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries. ‘ Centralization’ pertains to closing the distance between states and communities, by reducing autonomy and be insinuating monarchial domination over subjected civil societies.” “ From the medieval times – in what was, indeed, a defining characteristic of that era – politics was constituted as relations organized as communities strongly identified with particular places and with unique histories.”

33.  “[…] Post-Gupta were not Feudal states”. “[…] this was a dynamic age, in which peasant agriculture  and large , agrarian communities came into being and laid the foundations for new kingdoms ( Stein ”. P 112 .3).”

 Edward Siad.

Power is from seizure. ( not clear, one must add to this thought to understand him)

C.W. Bayly

He hates the Mughāls.


1. C.W. Bayly. Knowing the Country: Empire and Information in India. University of Cambridge. 1993

2.  Sir John Kaye’s great history of the Indian Mutiny and rebellion of 1857-59

3.  “ The paper suggests that to view south Asian society and its states from the perspective of the accumulation and transmission of information might bring significant benefits” (CWB5).

4.  The culture, linguistic and religious heterogeneity [Consisting of dissimilar elements or parts ] of the country put a premium on accurate intelligence.

5.  “India was a densely-knit society, never a subsistent [barely sufficient to maintain life] economy,  for at least two millennia”.

6. Systems which historians have tended to classify as ‘ administration’ and ‘ police’ are better seen as agencies of surveillance and persuasion, and both exhortation and information-collection were equally important. (CWB12).

7.“The use of all these social markers made it possible for an official or a resident body to convey to the ruler very precise social information – the feel of the village of a local conflict. (CWB15)

8.  “Sufi orders, those mystical adepts of Islamic knowledge, played an important part in medicine” They gave council to the barren, disturbed and mentally ill, but had their finger on the pulse of the whole social body ” (CWB15)

9. […] the role of intelligence-gathering in pre-colonial politics do seem to emerge.” Intelligence was designed to alert the ruler to infractions of moral law and true obedience rather than simply to punish ‘ crime.’ The Agents of intelligence were also the agents of persuasion and compromise, the men who sought to reassure the populous of the omniscience [Having total knowledge; knowing everything] of the emperor’s gaze. (CWB14)

10. Women were in general are a critical source of intelligence, not simply carriers of wealth or political alliance” (GWB16).

11.1670s The Marathas, a fighting peasant army, were rich in local knowledge, were able to intercept the imperial messengers, suborn the merchant firms and their postal systems and displace the newswriters and imperial agents form the networks of small towns” (CWB 18).  Despite the large amount of surveillance agencies.

12. Power from below – Foucault: “In Maratha-speaking territories the Marathas were able to build their state from the bottom up, as it were “(CWB 24).

13. However, as incidents such as the war with Auranzeb and the Surman embassy to the Mughāl Emperor revealed, the British know little and understood less about the great states of the interior. This lack was progressively remedied between 1757 and 1820 as the Company drew into its orbit the main Indian intelligence systems and critical clusters of native informants. ( CWB 25). (MJM)This showed that a colonial juridical power sought to  achieve juridical and definitional control in India by the “ effectiveness of the British in penetrating Indian information systems at a pragmatic political and economical level” which explained their “effectiveness of conquest ” (CW Bayly 25).

14.  British built up an efficient system of newswriters and intelligence agene around every one of their major residences at Indian courts ( CWB 26).

15. British inherited the legitimacy of the Mughāls by their control of the diwan of Bengal which allowed them to manipulate the knowledges of the imperial system of surveillance and information gathering. 1670s The Marathas, a fighting peasant army, were rich in local knowledge, were able to intercept the imperial messengers, suborn the merchant firms and their postal systems and displace the newswriters and imperial agents form the networks of small towns” (CWB 18, 26). Manipulation of information for the Marrthas helped achieved pre-colonial juridical power in their regions, and for the British this showed that a colonial juridical power sought to  achieve juridical and definitional control in India by the “ effectiveness of the British in penetrating Indian information systems at a pragmatic political and economical level” which explained their “effectiveness of conquest ” (CW Bayly 25). Controlling the flow of information which leads to discursive knowledges and then can pass through erudite knowledges is what power is all about to Edward Siad and is the productive process in which Michael Foucault explains how power circulates.



 His views, came from the British, which mean many programs in India's historiography. Sadly, Gandhi knew little about India's past reading British ' Indian constructed texts.' ( see my essay on India)

Percival Spear

Twilight of the Mughāls.

1. Spear got his info from the 1920 authors in which he believes the villages were autonomous strong holds against state suppression and this led to Ganhndi’s assumption that villages could run the country as mini-states and no central authority was needed.

2. Spear begins by comparing Greece autonomous states to that of Indian villages. He categorizes India into little Oriental departments making the reader think Indians, Muslims in general were a bunch of barbaric entities not like the European in the same periods.

3. He believed as Stein did that their was no centralizing capacity form the historical viewpoint in India’s history in Pre-modern to colonial times until the British took over, making one think that Europeans knew more about civilization than the barbaric uncivilized India.

4.  Gandhi’s statements of the  “ Villages as dung heaps” was the same information that Spear took his information from. The Villages needed to survive dishonestly in face of a dishonest rulers. Robbers form both the rulers, villages and wanderers made up India’s infrastructure.

5. Orientalism plagues the text in rash assumptions and dehumanizing departmentalizations. India ran a kinship for much of its history but the Orientalism used from previous sources made out a different picture of villager forces surviving by army themselves and dying but replenishing the villages in lieu of aggressors wandering and despotism. 

6.  c.1770s

7.  The next few years therefore saw a series of attempts by the various chiefs to seize the supreme power and exercise it in the Shah Alam’s name (Spear 22).

8. Each one, in the effect to retain his power, looked outside for help.” (Spear 23).

9. The looked to the English Company for legitimacy. Because the English were beating the Marathas in Hindustan and Tipu in Mysore.

10.Madho Rao Sindia, the Maratha chief who was now rapidly developing his power in Central India and looking northwards to Hindustan.

11.Chiefs quarreled, made fruitless advances to the British’s power in Calcutta, then called in Sindia and finally passed under his control. They can be followed in secret Bengal consultations preserved in the Commonwealth Religions Office, and the published papers of the Poona residency correspondence. (S 23) His dispatch was out of government fear for the Sindia’s encroachments because of the death of Mirza Najaf Khan and the unsettled state of affairs at Delhi.

12. Afrasiab Khan: Autumn of 1782 ousted by Mirza Shafi, who siezed Delhi with the Approval of Shah Alam. Mirza Shafi assisinated after one year by Muhammad Beg Hamdani and his nephew Agha Ismail.

13.  Shah Alam consulted an astrologer who said “ the English would come into the Province perfectly obedient to his authority and behave well, but that some contention would be the result.” (Spears 23).

1.      Thousands of men and women, inspired by Gandhi's politics of satyagraha, joined the passive resistance campaigns in the 1920s and the 1930s. But at the same time there were some Indians who were convinced that non-violent methods alone would not free India. Revolutionary activity surfaced in Bengal, the Punjab, the United Provinces and Bihar. Among these revolutionaries were a minority of women, the most well-known of whom were in Bengal.
2.      "The fight against the British took this form of terrorism in Bengal because there were a very large number of highly educated young people who were very frustrated because there were absolutely no job opportunities for them. The only thing for an educated young man in those days was to go into the police, the ICS [Indian Civil Service] or the law. There was practically no other outlet. So there was a great deal of frustration among educated young men and women who felt that it was only when we were independent that they would be able to have a life and that the only way to do it was by terrorism."
3.      Zareer Masani, Indian Tales of the Raj, 1987
4.      Many young women in Bengal, between the ages of 16 and 30, came under the influence of the revolutionary movement. They joined physical culture clubs and patriotic societies like Deepali Sangha (Enlightened Torch-bearers' Association) in Dacca and Chattri Sangha in Calcutta. They received training in physical fitness, and instruction in shooting, lathi and sword fighting. Women who joined these revolutionary societies were given the same training
5.      as men. They carried out similar missions, smuggling banned literature and acting as messengers. They helped to manufacture bombs and they smuggled weapons. They sheltered fellow revolutionaries on the run, they carried out assassinations, and they organised and led attacks on British officials and buildings.


16th-18th Century
Mughāl Dynasty Gunpowder Empire
Babur ( 1483-1530)
Captures Delhi in 1526 and thus controls the northern plains.
Humayun (1530-1556)
Akbar  (1556-1605) attempted social toleration, as compared to Auranzeb's political policies.
1.     Indo-Muslim Civilization
2.     “ Gunpowder empire
3.     Religious tolerance ( Before Aurangzeb – however many factors)
4.     Din-i-ilahi ( Devine Faith)
5.     Administration 
6.     Legal System
7.     Muslim subject to Islamic Law and Hindues subject to Hindu law.
Shah Jahan ( 1628-1657)
Taj Mahal
Auranzeb ( 1658-1707)
  • Reforms
  • Religious intolerance
  • Rebellions
1.     Reason for collapse
2.     Draining of the Imperial treasury
3.     Decline in the competence of Mughāl Rulers
4.     Unwillingness of the wealthy to accept authority and financial demands of Dehli.

6.     “It was the Ghaznavids, too, who first carried Perso-Islamic civilization to India” Richard Eaton tells us in his book The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier ( ch.2 Eaton).  When historian Shams-I Sirajj ‘Afif referred to Shams al-Din illyas Shah ( 1342-57) as the “ sultan of the Bengalis” and King of Bengal” we learn that Bengal had a highly institutional political infrastructure with minted coins and  building of new mosques, which “indicated a  strategy of political legitimization fundamentally different from their predecessors” (Eaton ch. 2. f39) .  14th Century political authority in Perso-Islamic terms

7.      Regime change in China, for example, saw their agrarian societies needed [placating] winning over to make a case for their legitimacy.

8.     One, for example, happened during the The Sui dynasty period. The new administrations understood the number one problem in China, at that time, was the heavy taxation on the agrarian society that had caused, impart, some of the leading difficulties of the mini-dark age; therefore, one must lower the tax base in order to win support of its citizenry or peoples. One also saw that Akbar taxed the wealthy and nobility to show that privileged were not exempt from showing patronage to the state. The issues of fair play and the appearance of equal representation at all levels of society is a major theme in world political legitimacy, and as was the case in India during the middle ages. This helped bind the peasants to the ruler, by showing that the rich didn’t get off Scot-free without paying for their share. 

9.     Life and Times  (Section below needs cite)

10.  In 1556 the father of Akbar, Humayun, died and Akbar became the next padshah or leader of the empire at the age of 13. He was under the guidance of Bairam Khan. Four years later Bairam Khan fell out of power and Akbar continued conquering parts of India and Afghanistan . By the time of his death in 1605 he all the way east into almost all of Northern India .

11.  Accomplishments

12.  Akbar created one of the world's most efficient and well formed government systems. His empire like many others was split up into smaller sections that were lead by a military governor called a Mansabar which can be compared to the Ottoman Gazis.

13.  Akbar also had a land tax that required 1/3 of crops. The differences between Mughāl taxes and the other tax systems of the three major empires of the time period were the fact that Akbar also taxed nobles and higher political figures. Akbar also emliminated the non-Muslim tax (jizya) so foreigners didn't need to pay extra.

14.  Akbar had nothing against other religious groups. His favorite wife (out of over five thousand) was a Hindu woman and she had Akbars son Jahangir who became his successor. By the time of Akbar's death almost 1/3 of Akbar's imperial bureaucracy was made up of Hindus. Akbar also allowed Hindus who wished to stay under their own law system (Dharmashastra) to do so.

15.  Akbar believed that he was the spiritual leader of his people. He started a new religion, Din-I-Ilahi, which is a belief which incorporates Jainism (love for all things), Zoroastrianism (sun worship) and other ideas from Hinduism. The forming of that religion was sparked by the central theorist Abu'l Fazl.

Work Cited:

Banglapedia.Terms Source:


Discussions: Calkins, Philip B. The Formation of a Regionally Oriented Ruling group in Bengal, 1700-1740.


Dill, JS. Washita. < > 2005


George, Goldy M.  The Politics Of Land And  The Besieged Lot. 28 December, 2003.< > 2005.



<> 2005


Lal, Vinay Hastings, Warren. UCLA. 2002.



Marg .Islamic Heritage of Deccan, Marg Publications).


Wink, André. Land and Sovereignty in India, Agrarian Society and Politics under the ?jya. University of Leiden.~Eighteenth-century Maratha Svar


Foot section #2

Foots, Work Cited


Bayly, C. A. Knowing the Country: Empire And Information In India. University of Cambirdge. 1993.


Brittelbank, Kate. Tipu Sultan’s Search for Legitimacy Islam and Kingship ina Hindu Domain. Oxford Press 1997.


99 prasad – food offered to deities. Shows non-muslim theme. (Cornwallis)

35,36, Sufi pīr, Indian direct sacred power of the king through śakti,

110 f146. Fitna.


Gandhi.  Odin reader. My picture of Independence Odin 114


Gommans, Jos Mughāl Warfare. Indian Frontiers and High road to Empire, 1500-1700. Routledge. 29 West 35th Street, New York NY 10001. 2002.


Huxley, Aldous Leonard The Brave New World.’ Chapter 3, pg. 34 Harper Perennial (New York). 1932.


Eaton, M. Richard. Rise Of Islam And The Bengal Frontier, 1204-1760. University Presses of California, Columbia and Princeton. 1996.


Ch. Eaton four theories on Islamization in Bengal Footnote 11


Foucault, Michael. The History of Sexuality. Volume I: An Introduction. Vintage Books. Random House Inc. New York. 1990.


Foucault, Michael The Essential Foucault. Edited by Rabinov, Paul & Nikolas Rose. The rev. ed of: The essential Works of Foucault.1954-84. c1977-c2000. New Press. New York. 2003.

Nietzsche, Genecology, History 351-369. (353).


Foucault, Michael.  Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews & Other writings 1972-1977. edited by Colin Gordon. The Harvester House Press. 1980.


Spear , Percival The twilight of the Mughālsv South Asia Books. 1991


Said, Edward W. Orientalism.  Random House. Vintage Books Edition 1979


Stein,  Burton. A History of India Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK. 1998.


Andre Wink. The Co-Shares of the Realm. Agrarian Society and Politics under the Eighteenth-century Maratha Savarajya. Univercity of Leiden. Cambridge University Press.


157. used.

BK Fitna 87, 110 ( rulers constantly manipulate local rulers so they will fight against eachother)

Wink. “ management through conflict 183.

161. fitna ( civil war, Division within Islam, drawing away from God)

management through conflict [vatan regulation like Sapahi]


Mysticism, Islamic. Bibliography. 1939. Berkeley Reader History 114A 2005.


"UNITED PROVINCES OF AGRA AND OUDH." LoveToKnow 1911 Online Encyclopedia. © 2003, 2004 LoveToKnow.
<> 2005.






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