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Hillary D. Rodham's Ideas of Power of Super Salvation

Hillary D Rodham’s Wellesley College, May 2, 1969 senior thesis

In political science, liberal is associated with radical while conservative is associated with reactionary. Here Hillary redefines liberalism as a reactionary ideology.

Hillary’s points by implicitly; Yet, do we really understand what is actionary v. reactionary?; or is it an illusion based upon holographs of quantum and special relativity arguments by the world famous physicists?

Bring problem solving to the streets in a radical fashion ( no – longer behind close doors, an example cited was Chicago Mayor Daley’s methodology.
If one attends a poverty activist club, one will come out an activist against Poverty – ( this is reminiscent of the sloganry in Mao’s communist China & implicit in the thesis argument: a direct result created by the government of the United States of America, implicated to suppress the average citizens of the United States of America) [ See cartoon illustration page, 81, titled “ Super Salvation.”])
A statement: Power can only be achieved by a public unit. [ note: A Karl Marx claim, yet stated, elucidated, and elaborated ad nausea in many cultures and texts since the recording of history began.]

This is the essay that Yale University had read that decided her writing and logic skills could qualified her for acceptance into the University. In part, Hillary’s thesis is of the common’s role of power and it ties to the human condition for everything the common lower class intends is that of "super salvation." This type of ideology, the antithesis of republican & pragmatic representation and of slow and deliberate planning and by argument played the role in her destiny of meeting and falling love with William Jefferson Blythe IV, a radical, in which they had a child they named Chelsea. Since the common see themselves, in general, as continually suppressed, Karl Marx concluded the only solution was a policy for continuous chaos ( Proletariat World Revolution) , i.e. disabled social spaces in a perpetual chaos, it is the argument for perpetual social war that seeks change for change itself. Since there always will be poor, they will always see themselves as repressed, so there will all be this “super salvation,” some quasi-religious common furor over a justice and its role in society. It is an empirical result of historicism. It is also a part of forbidden discourse. The solution is to wave you hands in the air, like you just don’t care, and claim the world’s people are generally bad, corrupt and unjust. By framing the world as negative, the common can place guilt upon the forces above them, who then start to argue among themselves; then indefinably the lower take the higher social positions along with the economic power, and replace the aristocrats and begin the process over and over again. The lower become the high, and high become the low – then the critical criteria forms again and the lower takes the position of the repressed.