[ note 09 Jan 2011; this should be the modern system then as the Chinese New Year is celebrated in late Jan or early Feb ; but what is interesting was the traditions of Spring equinox or winter solstices were previously observed; now Chinese seasons are five the there is a division between half-points of the Summer solstice that define one season!]
Not that the twelve animal signs is in contrast to the western symbol system where Aquarius’ symbolism is of two parallel rippling symbols of water [ find the Sumerian symbols of the alphabet on Doe wall to include one symbol it possibly resembled?], as the Chinese use the animal symbol for the Tiger. Of Libra, the use of the balance symbol, directly relating to Egyptian book of the Dead, of the Afterlife ritual, as the judgment of the soul against the feather, represents a contrast to Chinese continuous animal symbolism. Anthropomorphic symbolism in ancient Hanic conception of segregating the calendar remained important to their understanding for connecting nature to human equivalence. Western tradition uses the Lion for Leo, as the Chinese use the Monkey, as its animal equivalent. This connection ties both east and west to anthropomorphic representation of the constellation of the Lion. The Age of Reason, sought to mimic the Greek realization that man was different from the animal kingdom, in that humans could reason, use an intellect, and dominate their environment –using rationalization. Modern science distancing itself away from this connection to the animal kingdom helps to explain the division, or the scientific divining of the modern scientific human presense. Whereas nature is combined with animal motifs of our collective pasts, the eastern system contains only animal motifs to remain connected to natural anthropomorphic realities. Gemini the twins are human beings and have their contrast to the historic animal of the Horse in the Chinese system. Libra is the Dog in Chinese equivalence to the inanimate object of the unbalanced scales. Aries the Ram is the Dragon in Chinese astrology. Pisces the fishes of western astrology has no equivalence to the hair or rabbit in Chinese astrology.
“The Mongolian term for the genre, given by Mostaert as ‘astrology and divination,’ is toy-a. As a verbal stem, toya-means ‘to count, reckon’ and as a noun ‘number account’(Lessing 813) Mathematics was originally related to thinking, that is the separation between animal and humans.
What is Devine? It is simply a division (in this case) of numbers, or as we know of it, of dividing knowledge from instinct or non-communicative action – feeling impulse. Knowledge is actually knowledges, in the plural sense, if we use post-modernist prescripts. Divining is to help classify these plural forms of knowledge, which helps us to order the universe. The normative Devine in the classic Greek sense is some form of being with supernatural powers.
Uygur calendar system, adopted by the Mongols and incorporated into Yuan dynasty (1272-1386)
Asterism in Sanskrit is naksharta, and is not solely linked to ‘lunar mansions,’ as it was later associated too “the affinity of their number with the lunar cycle.” Mark Kalinowski (1996: 80-81) explains that “The nakshatra are used predominantly for solar astronomy but also for lunar divination [astrology-degree subsections on a horoscope].
A question arises here. For how can a small group of individuals take over a large portion of the Northern Hemisphere?
“For years historians of science maintained that it was Hipparchus (d. ca. 127 BC) who discovered the precession of the equinoxes. However, as with so many aspects of Greek learning, an antecedent was since been found in ancient Mesopotamia, where the precession of the equinoxes is thought to have been discovered in 343 BC by the Babylonian, Kidinnu, director of the mathematical school of Sippra,” according to Ho Peng Yoke, in his work “The Swinging Pendulum: Science in East and West with Special Reference to China” (Brisbane: School of Modern Asian Studies, 1982, p. 22), and too R. C. Archibald, in his work “Babylonian Mathematics” (Isis 26 (1936), pp. 64-65) Baumann acknowledges. “In China the precession of the equinoxes is said to have been known by the 4th century AD,” according to Baumann who cites the reference to Edward H. Schafer’s work “Pacing the Void: T’ang Approaches to the Stars” (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977, p. 12). Furthermore, Buamann states, “[T]he idea that precession was unknown in antiquity is an interesting misconception of Modern Science. While coming to the modern definition of precession is one thing, given an historical record of the order of the constellations, the precession phenomena is simply empirical. That various traditions did not recognize it does not mean the mathematicians of the time did not know of it, for rather, in spite of it, their charge was to preserve genesis.” In a general sense of communal contingency or ethnic and/or racial identity, certainly this view can intone generalizations; however, the power structures most probably made the final decisions on what knowledge was socially acceptable and what knowledge should be socially banned. When the ancients traveled, how could one not see that star positions had moved congruent to the latitude one sojourned? In fact, these discrepancies were noted by these ancients, to which allowed us to discover the discrepancy of academic surety and out of the mainstream reality.
Marsilio Ficino revealing the neoplatonistic doctrine of the eternal soul, nearly lost his life to the auspices of power of the papacy following the years after 1489 with publishments which defined ancient Persian, Eastern, Mesopotamian, and Egyptian sciences unaccepted by western Christianity, such as contained in Libri de vita (1489, editio princeps, Florence) – an addition to go through thirty printing cycles by the mid-seventeenth century, prior to the post – Newtonian period. Ficino’s patron’s grandfather who started the Florentine Academy had related that group-think limited his expression on running academic investigations, such found in this, tripartite book, free from inference. His thesis that a world alive exists between space and the earth and that everything is connected, further expands the analogues explanation of Aristotle’s concept for a spirit’s “element in which the stars are made.” It would be incorrect to assume a congruity to such concepts of Jedi philosophy of George Lucas’ Star Wars films, pertaining to the ‘force.’ Lucas’ discourse on the force is limited, unelaborated and unarticulated – and probably pertains to a slippery distinction between ‘black’ and ‘white’ magic. Ficino doctrine of a cosmic spirit strives to organize a hierarchy, limit practicality of infusing a self-willed modus operandi, and tended toward affirming Socrates’ notions of law and order of self-control as more worthy over the bodily passions (Plato, Book II, Republic) that foment uncontrolled selves in which bi-fabrication of classes drop into human rights violations and feudal class structures. Carol V. Kaske and John R. Clark argue in their Renaissance group effort on Medieval Latin expositions of Libri de vita that their readers may or may not agree that “these ‘Arabs’ are the principle sources for these notions ( ‘equivocal uses of spirits in the Arabic sources’), at least all [ actually most scholars who ran exegesis of this work] agree that Ficino’s explanations are somehow Plotinian in origin with an overlay of Hermes Trismegistus, Iamblichus, Proclus, and the Picatrix [the less employed].” Thomas Aquinas’ propensity to side with group-think and strenuously distance himself from expressing the human spirit as predestined by some deterministic cosmic spirit (See Aquinas, SCG 3.83) the astrological attention to healing, health, and general wellbeing, contradicts a notion that other human conditions are obsolete to forces of the cosmic spirit. Therefore, it cannot be disassumed, that Ficino is advocating eternal fatalism, a type of duel universe, set out only for the initiated – and eluded too by careful reading in Asclepius, in which he forgoes these sections for the statue-animation argument of a historical recording by Hermes in his discussion on daemons. An example, in book three, chapter XVI, On the Power of the Heavens. On the Power of the Rays from Which Images Are thought to Obtain their Force, Ficino employs Ptolemy’s rays arguments from Tetribiblios, a work in which Ptolemy had barrowed from an anonymous work in the 4th century BCE on fixed stars [don’t get this confused with Anonymous of 3 d cent A.D Book on Bright Fixed Stars, but Ptolemy is at Alexandria library, employed as a professor and has the ancient manuscripts perhaps from civilizations before him to which he derives his findings and then progresses his views and places modern coordinates on his luminary positions] – in which we can correctly assume had been previous knowledge from the beginning of history. Ficino’s originally employs the ‘rays’(Ptolemy’s) to the cosmic spirit (Hermes Trismegistus) thereby gnosticizing in an ancient pretext or in a modern parlance of an interdisciplinary bi-subjection as a construction to form a third explication on the mysteries of time and space.
Ficino’s books stands as the source for our modern Sun Sign astrology as well as our first comprehensive astrological guide to healthy psychology and physical living.
Roger Bacon studied astrology and had concluded that fatalism was connected to constellations which also influenced the mind of humans. Ficino was by no means alone in addressing difficult concepts of time and space. In fact, Book II of Libri de vita contain “acknowledged” contributions from Bacon. Book II was written last and in haste. Giovanni Pico della Mirandola in 1487, two years before the release of Libri de vita, was placed in prison awaiting a trial and his book “Conclusions condemned for heresy [...].” Pico refusing to cooperate with the papal commission met with the condemnation of all 900 ‘conclusions,’ instead of the twenty-six of the conclusions which only dealt with magic, initially proposed by the commission for the debate. Debate reached Paris years earlier in 1482, as Thorndike reported: “[A]t the University of Paris between an M.A. candidate and the Church’s spokesman, one Dr. Bernard Basin, who took a very hard line against” fatalism and magic. Under this academic and ecclesial atmosphere, we can understand why Ficino met with the Curia’s wrath and sentence to a trial. Pope Innocent VIII wanted confirmation from Ficino if he supported ‘fatalism,’ or in the religious sense, ‘predestination’ predicated upon former pagan images, symbols and sciences.
Zo m Gamma Bookoflife.org uploaded 3 July 2017 .AD
[mjm- 09 Jan 2011 This is of a great importance to how people are thinking, fate was Nostradamus, so he cannot at least get along with this pope. The reason why no-one attacks psychically Nost is he is in the Bible, and these souls know it. ]
Ficino’s trial had repercussions. He denounced that constellations had influence over the spirits or humans or earth [ 09 Jan 2011; not the same sentiments as Laurent Videl, a lap-dog of the ruling aristocracy, such a idiot] , but remain the planets had influence to some extent. He also never wrote apparently on these mystery subjects again, although he wrote for another ten years after the trial. Certainly, academic pressure connected to the establishments, the ruling governing bodies of states and its representatives took matters into their own hands. Their belief that group-think outweighed the in-depth and concentrated philosophy of certain talented individuals was best laid to rest and to move forward. Any competition to their authority needed to be squashed. Under this perspective, Ficino’s about-face on the belief that astrology is viable is under a condition and qualification. Libri de vita, and especially book III, demonstrate that Ficino had passion and sincerity with those sources he later disassociated himself from agreement.
Persecutions, academically and socially, during the antique and classical ages of western civilization –over the doctrine of the ‘flat earth’ – is simply one expression of communal knowledge government. Yet, Buamann did not articulate it. Baumann continues to demonstrate propensity of this knowledge condition. He states, “Understanding this, references to precession are pervasive in antiquity (Richer 1994: xxxi [introduction]). Not only did the ancients know of it, but precession had a profound influence on the world’s intellectual history, particularly on the rise of monotheism and on Christianity as well, for because of precession the stars could not be relied upon to bring eternal order.” In the footnote to this paragraph, number two, Buamann cites some examples of this thought, without explication. He intends, “The myth in which Jupiter slays the dragon refers to precession, as does the phrase in the Book of Job, “his angels he charges with error” (4:18, [edition?]). In Hebrew tradition the stars as angels fall from grace.” Buamann states that everyone before the circular three-dimensional Isaac Newton’s Universe model [gravity model], the ancients and everyone saw the universe as a linear fixed place. If the star moved from its background, as it does about one minuet every seventy-two years, it appears as non-fixed, and in motion. The reality that the Sippar or The scribes of Enuma Anu Enlil had not noticed this empirical trend is without question. If keeping records were the norm [ over the centuries as we know hold as true and factual!], then observing the precession of the Equinoxes musts have shattered many ancient of nerves. For one, it illustrated that space moved and was not stable. The earth as the fixed ‘atom,’ ‘stone,’ or something, necessitated a rational of fixity. Upon this rationalization, the genesis of cultures could be constructed upon the immovable truth of consistency. Once that consistency had shifted, backwards, so-to-speak of the precession’s empirical motion, good had been disrupted – or more succinctly – truth was relative. The same shock came about a century later after Kepler gave up researching mathematical inferences toward the motion of Mars, settling for theoies of harmonics while giving up his career in astronomy altogether, that later he perhaps picked up a Hellenistic conic math book and had an Satori and returned to his beloved subject of the astronomical motion of Mars, thus shocking the perfect circle theories from Aristotle onward for our new understanding of a revolutionary solar body. The irrational became rational and vice versa. In order to explain the relative and absolute definition of an opposite had to accrue to appease the rational from the irrational. In the western astronomical & secular tradition, heavenly bodies that shifted their fixed points of reference in the heavens were thusly called irrational. In order to fulfill the rational, the mapping, accounting, and mathematics had to be invented in order to re accrue theses special discrepancies. Therefore, Mathāma, the first order of astrology/astronomy had defined a world’s cyclical generation. The symbols on Nostredame’s signet-ring were a form of pure Mathāma, represented in geometrical/trionomic form. This astrological/astronomical irrational construct became manifest in rationalism by its daily and symblistic reminder on the finger. It is a wonder that Einstein’s wife had curiously noted how her husband consistently read medieval alchemical books prior to bed-time. While we have no hard-evidence that Einstein practiced or entertained modern astrology of his time, we do know that medieval alchemical books were not comparable in advanced thinking as contemporary chemistry books during Einstein’s period.
Eclipses connected to the Nodal point of the Moon’s course, was said to swallow up the Sun or Moon, therefore the serpent symbolism of disrupting order ( as laid out in the Bible).
A contribution to the history of communication (Niccoli, Ottavia, Prophecy and People in Renaissance Italy (1990). [ occult: to reveal/and too conceal]
An occult is an unusually important concept. Uranus begot occulted by Saturn; Saturn begot occulted by Jupiter. This appears to be the linear progression of the Greek Teleos or final ending of some progression. Saturn moves faster around the Sun, so forth then takes over the motions of the slower revolution of Uranus. Jupiter, which is closer to the Sun than Saturn therefore overtakes (occults at some point) Saturn and therefore attains the ruler ship in Greek mythos (and earlier mythos). In order to explain this Saturn ate his children. However, the larger planet Jupiter could not be stopped as it was too large and revolved more quickly around the Sun -- thus Jupiter survives being eating by the father. The fall of the Titans is simply Jupiter’s inner elliptical faster orbit around the Sun than Saturn’s. This is the mystery of the ‘occult,’ or the scientific observation of trying to link modern human events, human actions, natural occurrences, to Earth from events mirrored from the heavens. When Jupiter occults Saturn (the conjunction) we call it one of the Great Conjunctions (this is explained in another section here). Since the great scientists knew they had little competition, they of course had to keep there work hidden from the public for scrutiny of political ramifications. The adoption of ‘occult,’ for the idea of mysteries revealed but not to everyone, became a common human understanding for mystics and persons of secret societies. While secret societies were never the motif, the apprehension of public revelation and the dangers inherent to political correctness had discouraged these scientists to openly proclaim the research. But as inquizative, they needed companionship of like-minded individuals – thus seeking venues that became mytalized into what is called secret societies. Yet ‘real’ secret societies were set up to look for these scientists – who usually worked alone and met other like-minded scientists only to further their own broader understanding and to gather further novelic knowledges to satisfy or complete their missions.
The word the occult, comes from the Latin word occultus (clandestine, hidden or secret), as G. Crabb explained in his work of 1927 entitled, “English synonyms explained, in alphabetical order, with copious illustrations and examples drawn from the best writers” (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co.). Crabb refers to its connotational form-phrase as “knowledge of the hidden.” In modern medical parlance and according to “Harvard Medical School Family Health Guide” (2005, pp. 1272) the term occult appears with the English verb to bleed, i.e. occult bleed, which is a process which reveals a qualitative or quantitative deficiency of hemoglobin associated with Anemia (or anæmia). The rout of the approach is either a kinetic or morphologic investigation, and these approaches reveal what was hidden in an otherwise normally hemoglobin proteins. However, overtime the word occult portends to morphology which details common with parlances associated to common divisions of the normative bias-class perceptions of rational and for rational. Rational, in this case, can only be empirically true if it is (a), a physical substance, and (b), therefore it can be measured. Anything that cannot be measured and by its physical attributes pertain to physical assemblies of data collections is regarded as irrational or paranormal. As terms, esoteric and arcane are also synonyms which describe similar meanings with the term occult. Understood during Michel Nostredame’s day, rational and irrational ( despite common 20th century historiography on the forerunning Age of Reason, and its subsequence collapse in the later twentieth-century in the west toward the more preferred social engineering which uses inductive-emotionalism and flagrant rage-parsing) was well discoursed as well as understood. For example, Sir. Isaac Newton was branded an occultist for his revelation that gravity could have some “hidden” unforeseen force upon which distant objects that forwent normative conventions of natural science [finish this sentence]. In fact gravity moved a micronic cyclical linear progression which help describe the weak forces of push and pull. As the last of the Natural Philosophers he formulated that God could only explain the creation of this gravitational force. It could be measured and understood but not known how it was created. [ Place Newton here! ] Today, we see the morphology of what was considered occult or esoteric and is now considered natural science. As we will see in this paper, Superstition, which was well a standard term of the medieval ages, but beginning in the tenth and eleventh centuries, in northern Europe began an arduous process of argumentation toward prescience, and this had allowed the practitioner some controlled conditions (in the form of glosses, manuscripts and general printing-press publishing), in part associated to sub-fields of study of the genus which is superstition.Occultism proper was a period between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries. This period applies to a search for the meanings behind the signs and symbols of the renaissance, and the Golden Age of Europe. It was connected to the common who were slowly being allowed back into society, whereas in the seventeenth century a short return back to feudalism displaced the normative trajectory of mass-common rule. Since things were hidden from the common by the elite or the aristocracy (including some, not all) of the ecclesiastical class, the revelatory systems of occult: alchemy, astrology, extra-sensory, various forms of divination, spiritualism, numerology and magic, may have pertained to some limited categories of social ascendancy in an otherwise racial or ethnical suppressive European atmosphere. For the most part, the reason for the backlash by academic was that these occult systems were used by the common to displace the powerful from their rule.
The occult was directly associated to freedom of speech. By the seventeenth century, as for France, Feudalism came back strong, as well as restrictions on freedom of speech. The Almanacks, which played so heavily a part in the destabilization of the religious wars period, which ended in 1598, had been associated to the instability. Thus occult, for the most part, passed on its way out of the French and European system (except England) which describes why prognostications simply died out for the most part and turned into genre of these Almanacs of England and America. From this period of occult, came Michel Nostredame,
One of the first English Renaissance, as modern celestial – interpretation almanacs was printed by Wynkyn de Worde, former pupil of Caxton’s whose press he inherited upon his master’s death in 1491. As for England a furry of Almanacs and prognostications were produced until the year of 1570 when “Queen Elizabeth had granted special license to two men, Richard Watkins and James Roberts.” Celestial phenomena mostly in regards to nature, still did not consume the entire genre of literature. In fact, the socio-political and economic sphere of life was either based upon ancient lore or celestial patterns, including lore on atmospheric prediction based upon humidity and celestial visibility. Some had success which helps explain that “[B]etween 1557 and 1570, the number of [ English] almanacs on sale became comparatively huge” [compared to other novelty literature]. As regard to English ephmeri astrological glosses came by way of ancient text being printed from Babylonian, Egyptian civilizations, as well as Roman “ Fasti Diurni, or official year books.” These however were crossed referenced by detailed astronomical almanacs (‘as tables as a matter of course’), for example, one produced in 1551 by Copernicus. A source for understanding Nostredame’s Almanac production in England at this time comes from “The Stationers’ Register.” This archived entered each production by title, name and giving “peripheral information, such as that in 1562 twenty printers were fined for selling the Prognostications of Michael Nostradamus (not then in good repute; indeed, never in good repute in Britain).”
[ 09 Jan 2011 --This was a part of Philip II ( Spain) who had his soldiers terrorized by weather forcasts and the fact ( IMO) because Nost at least in 1559 which a pirated version was known to be passed around in London, presages the massive witchtrials and scottish historical uprisings – this made people of aristocracy –gov. controllers have less control over the thoughts and minds of their subject/slaves, their play-toys, so Philip II put pressure on London’s people have them halt this craft.]
occultation –and eclipse of the normative ideological movement of any given geographical setting and historical period. Simply the normative establishment is ‘occulted’ by a new contending ideology. In a sense, the occult is a reactionary or reaction to the intending establishment of ideas from either some multi perspective or multi-categorizing group, agent or agency. Ultimately occulting derives from points of change in pluralistic environments. It is the linear extraction of perceived continuous motion in time in which is gathered as data. Persons engaged in the occult are simply taken to formulizing alternative routs –away from established routs—to formulize a new communication tool, linguistical applications, and novel formations of a knowledge base – in which to formalize a new trajectory away from what is this perceived trajectory that identifies a locality to this break away community. of the occult of intending rationality. The normative trajectories appear as absolutes. The establishment intends occultists are irrationalists, while occultists claim the establishments are irrationalists. Thus conflict will arise from plurality. Hierarchical structures normally identified as Lord and his creations (e.g. in the Talmud, the Genesis story of Adam and Eve, and their subservience to their creator God) reflected into a mirror of kingly modernities over the course of civilization. Regardless of ethnicity or the color of ones skin, leadership provided the singularity in order to manage the chaotic plurality so inherent in conflicting and contending ideas. Out of these conflicting and contending ideas, in historicism, arise to the occult, the occultation or the apparent interruption of the normal vision, which understood in mysticism, implies a refocusing of that normal vision, in which reality appears to have changed. Therefore, the word or study of occultism is the moment in time when things will change and are empirically observed phenomena – in which signs and symbols communicated are interdisciplinary factors that are utilized for intending interest. Since time began, occultism formulated the applications to manage destiny, form social tools, and to retrieve some form of justification for appeared harms in which one had adopted as their own – so inherent in the pluralism of humankind’s struggle for survival.
Perspective drives our understanding, as opposed to a Foucaultian format which intends knowledge only leads to a power imbalance – where the winner writes the history and thus forming juridical power. If Michel Foucault had lived a little longer he would have found out about the novel explanatory of dark energy, and therefore, understanding that energy is not teleological at all, but consists of directional- polarities. It is under this explanation of known perspectives that occult derives its explanation as well as our understanding. Time and space exist in multi-universes, and as humans we seek to codify a set of principles for uniting our differences. When there is class differentiation, both exploit these multi-principles. These examples of prophetic literature are one such example of exploitation. However, exploitation is not framed from individual perspectives but by opposing viewpoints (or in this case prespectives) in expressing dismay.
The occult is simply a linguistic tool for all to understand the boundary between the establishment and the non establishment. When an eclipse has been noted, postulated and discoursed – the occult of something has taken place and it has a meaning to the non-establishment. It is because they secretly want to rise to the position of established. Therefore, they use the occult, the door, so-to-speak, as a tool to gain dominance of the word, because the world creates knowledge and from knowledge we derive by degrees our understandings in which we place ourselves into niches, categories, and ultimately derive our value in which we run our lives. Any occult of power is valued by the non-powers. Therefore, the doorway, which is to allegorically understand its concept, the occult is the fulcrum of actionary change. If the fulcrum is the center, then controlling that center we derive our control.
It is the divining or division which identifies our said occultism. When Adam and Eve were sent out of Paradise, banished, there was an occult – and that occult was the separation form the normative establishment of hierarchy of our Lord and our Servant. The Lord had access to all in the Garden of Eden (Paradise), but not the Servants. This empirically tells us that these relationships formed in the workplace, and intend a employer and their employees. The employer controls and the employee follows. The employer creates the employee, so as the fable of God forming humans for his self interests. Before Adam and Eve took part in the fruit of the tree at the center of the garden, which God had forbidden them to partake, there was no equality. After partaking of this fruit, there was this equality – and the more powerful entity demonstrated that power and threw that potential threat out – without a promise of salvation or redemption. It is the understanding that we conclude that an occult had occurred. It has been the understanding of this occult which has brought us to the knowledge and then to the understanding of how life itself works in all of its manifestations.
Nostradamus has been taken out of context of the time he had lived in and elevated to a mere deity by his adherents, and a mentally-challenged liar by his critics. Yet, is there another Nostradamus which could be ascribed to the enigmatic persona in which to place him into context of his time which could help redefine these prevalent views of him?
Michel Nostredame’s significance in history had derived from societal and personal repression, in which he set out to discover predestination applications and use them as a revenge modus upon society and persons in which he felt had harmed him. In the simplistic of explanation, society judged him and so he judged society. The processes by which he came about his knowledge were predicated upon developing his own system of predestinatory applications and using or revising others’ and taking advantage of the novel and free printing press in which his criticism found European relevance in certain common class convictions. In Provence, past revelatory heresy was linked with reform. One person of reputation was Pierre Jean Olivi (Latin: Petrus Johannis)(born at Sérignan, Dioceses of Beziers, 1248-9; died at Narbonne, 14th March, 1298). His reforms gave a new meaning for the suppressed, and his superstitious applications of Janus studies would be something Jean-Ayme de Chavigny would intend his master had done. Olivi, a Janus figure, was also a bottom to top type of character of the likes of Nostredame. Olivi’s Postilla in Apocalypsim was in part censured. Its radical concepts lay in the criticism of intending hierarchy, both lay and clerical. It was not that the church was corrupt, but that certain individuals of the Church made connections with the secular rulers to suppress the poor. Olivi’s bared a significant opposition to intending religious culture which played out in his condemnation. Olivi advocated a doctrine of poverty, and to collect monies to take care of the poor, the sick, their clothing, and construction of their convents, and their books. His tomb was desecrated by theologians and the Catholic Church still denounces some of his writings today.
In Indian sources it comprises the same two stars, γ Pegasi, α Andromedae ( Rachmati 1972:301) in Baumann, p. 621. )); In Indian sources it comprises the same two stars; its figure is either a couch or bed, a Janus-faced figure, or twins’ its regent is a mythological ‘bottom-snake’ (Burgess 1859: 341-343); it corresponds to the 14th Chinese asterism Bi ‘wall, cliff,’ comprising two stars, γ Pegasi, α Andromedae (Schlegal 1967: 302-302 [typing errors on this page!])
The context in which superstition plays a role in history is qualified. It is a compartment of discursive linguistic applications described as polarities referenced as individual perspectives based upon a variety of mental applications and physical data compellations. For example, prayer or blessings; these both are mental applications defined to bring a desired result often in changing the perspective of an individual. Usually hope in the form of some perceived protection from a calamity or disease. During the thirteenth century plagues, God Bless You became a standard superstitious utterance to guard against the inevitable death of contacting potential or unrevealed plague victims. As with the plague doctors of the sixteenth century, they finally had understood that breath and air consumption in plague environments bore the strains of aerial bacteria. Elaborate masks were worn, but were not full proof from contacting the diseases. Nostredame’s rose pills, although he claimed they did not stop the plague, were vital oral antiseptics in which Nostredame claimed they had ‘help’ ward-off infection (however they were not used to cure plague victims). Yet, in the thirteenth century the superstition application of God Bless You could relieve the mental stimuli of fear brought on by perceived morbidity. At this time, there was no cure for the plague so a rationalization of mental guarding for fear was necessary for mental health. In fact, this was a guard against fatalism a fear known in psychology and physiognomy to create self induced trauma or sickness. That guard was hope in the form of an invisible being that contained all of our cherished dreams – whatever they may be. Extremism arouse in the fourteenth century out of cross-cultural linkage evident in technology and wealth from the various Crusades, and Mongol inspired apocalyptic traditions of J. de Fiore. Disease and Islamic flagellation were too such empirical cross-cultural circumstances. Wide areas in France had also been afflicted with the breakout in 1337 of a series of events which would shape up for a century of wars between England and France (The Hundred Years’ War).
[ 09 Jan 2011 Nostradamus use of fresh live enzymes may have been an intuition; as the medical industry still tries to cure diseases with dead chemicals, in some progression for cancer treatment they are taking fresh vegetable diet as part of the program for curing or prolonging death – the fact that fresh herbs and diet are vital body healers because the body produces about 8 million cells a day replacing the old-ones or the sick ones, so what you put into your body has a definite healing culture connected to live enzymes. Also put here the air-particles of the plague and the long history of rats and flees as the culprits, it was possibly an influenza of serious proportions that spread orally, therefore rose pills were to offward the spread but not the cure, there was no cure. I wrote a whole thing on this I should find it in the files and add it]
As a reaction to Avignonian’s luxurious living by the ecclesiastical movement, another movement of spiritualism of varying types was a social response to the political measures of the Church assigning Bishops to control the economy and politics of each of their diocese. Mixing politics and religion had always been complex, and these spiritual movements sought to demonstrate piety of the common lay person as a reflection of criticism against the ecclesiastic hierarchy’s perceived or propagated wantonness.
In case a devastating plague (Black Death in 1348-‘51) which ravished Europe and took approximately one-third of its total population, hope was a vital mental stringent. This catastrophic event sparked “off a great outburst of penitential flagellation, intended to assuage God’s wrath and expiate the sins of the individual penitent; renewed visitations, though less disastrous, had important demographical effects and elicited similar, if not so violent, emotional responses.” Self infliction as personal guilt punishment may have its roots further back than recorded history.
One of the most evident emotional responses was to blame the money lenders and tax collectors on beginning the plague for financial gain. “In France anger was turned against royal officials, tax collectors and moneyers; generally at the time of the Black Death the fear of mortality issued the pogroms of Jews, who were accused of responsibility for the epidemic; in England there were periodic xenophobic outbreaks.” Jews were not only blamed for crucifying of the Christian messiah but because of their self-knit communities and private family educations which brought them power of employment in the courts of Europe for being able to manage large funds, they were also ostracized for the vaulted positions they were assigned.
Fatalism’s link to superstition bore out of necessity to understand politics of the aristocracy (or nobility). The plague stopped work in the countryside which produced foodstuff, and lords “under heavy economic pressure attempted to enforce ancient rights [ feudalism] over their peasants and, after the fall in population, to prevent free movement for better wages or conditions at a time of labor shortage.” In addition in France, a scene for one of the most “violent peasant uprisings, the Jacquerie, took place in 1358; in England, the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 led to the death of Simon of Sudbury, archbishop of Canterbury; the mob attacked officials and destroyed records, and briefly held the south-east of the country in fear.” These revolts were brought on by “poll tax for an unsuccessful war;”
[ 09 Jan 2011 Did the plague and depopulation have a way of influencing the two pope period, as choas was perhaps everywhere and to whom to blame this scourge, was it seen as an end times or punishment for the crusades? This is about 100 years after the Mongolian conquests, and since the plague moved east and the Mongol empires fell, perhaps this caused somewhat a resurgence in western civilization]
To rationalize the commoner’s position as a suppressed class,
In 1378, shortly after the return from Avignon to Rome, disaster occurred Lambert explains. “The conclave elected an unstable candidate, the aggressive and willful Urban VI. A genuine reaction against the man they had chosen, combined with division among the cardinals, oligarchical sentiment and national feeling, created a schism. All existing problems were vastly accentuated. Thenceforward two popes existed, one with a seat at Avignon under Clement VII and his successors, and the other at Rome under Urban VI and his successors, excommunicating each other and their rivals’ supporters, and employing all available resources to unseat their opponents. Conflict between states had helped to create the Great Schism, and now kept it in being; all the abuses for which the papacy had been responsible in the past were sharply increased, as electors on the rival sides chose men of war and diplomacy rather than reformers, and the popes scarified all higher considerations to the search for victory.” As Lambert further explains, reform movements were a result of trying to solve these problems. Since the rulers involved understood that “[T]he need for reform tended to become a cliché,” there was a need for the lay persons to perform reasoning – this elevated private lay-education to a new level.
“Anticlericalism” was born out of material conflicts of these troubled times. [ crusades brought materialism, stone quarries began to see secret societies worshipping various versions of deities; the masons were not the Templers but a further group of workers of stone who worshipped underground in the deep dark regions of the stone quarries of northern European main continent – this allowed stone buildings and a new age, a technology brought back from the crusades, as the middle east is mainly out of wood and used stone as the prime building orifices of buildings and the main structures—so they had a whole technological program, and therefore the stone castles or larger perportions are erected in the European theater ] Materialism seen as a reality in contention to idealism interpreted as spiritualism may have been results of first, the Mongol invasions of lower east Europe, and seconds the previously failed Crusades. The Crusades had brought back wealth and technology, but it was the empirical fear of foreigners previously unknown which began a serious investigation to Apocalyptic exegeses. Joachim of Fiore, according to Colette Beaune, launched “[M]edeival prophecy proper” around “1200 by the works of Joachim of Fiore which had been issued under non-authorities editions which were often distributed in copied sections. Fiore changed the previously two ages of history according to the Christian -Judeo Monotheism tradition and created a third age based upon the triplicate of the God-head. This reaction was typical to the materialism which bore out of the Crusades and the realization of the Mongol conquest which had intended to conquer the world based upon setting up a materialistic Empire.
In order to counteract these violent and warlike materialistic world-constructions, Fiore introduced the third age as a movement toward Spiritualism, as a final end of time and God’s ultimate plan. That is to say the age of the Holy Spirit would conquer the materialistic appetite of humans and bring peace to humans by the ending the materialistic central authorities’ power – i.e. the Church.
Fear of the outside world created a need to look inwardly toward salvation from the hardships of life. Not all people were born with the same physical and mental capacities. This created the conflict of management systems that needed to be promulgated in a general sense.
Superstitious practices, therefore, in this case are viewed in a different setting. It was a positive function and a vital mental necessity. Doctors, physicians, or medicos going into a plague zone could mentally adapt to the increasing fear by saying a prayer. It garnered courage to do so. Without it a preterm of nihilism resulted in pessimism and eventual depression (a devastating disease predicated on little to no hope). Therefore superstitious utterances were a reaction to things out of human control. To rationalize the uncontrollable, doctrines were created for comfort. If ones friend died on the battlefield serving a similarly cause to anothers’ own – in this case of most Puritans -- they may be eulogized as if acting in Divine Providence. “The doctrine of divine providence consoled men for the death of their close relatives, comforted them in their worldly misfortunes, and held out the prospect of eternal felicity as compensation for the short-lived sorrows of earthly existence.” While the doctrine of divine providence has its Puritan etymologies, the concept of martyrdom and eulogies in connection to monotheism spans monotheism itself. Ancestral worship and many other belief systems adopt a similar hypothesis. The doctrine of providence and the affirmations of protective utterances were superstitions. In this sense, a superstition was a coping mechanism, a public interlinking commonality and a general explanation of human fears developed by humans to promulgate for social control. Superstition can be seen in a different perspective having positive societal effects.
If one sneezed, and someone said God Bless You, believing a daemon had possibly entered one’s body (diseases where not known as well, so daemons were replacement subjective(s)), this affirmation of a hope of an external remedy – that being God—could mentally sustain someone in times of crises by thoughtfully commanding that invisible negative concept out of one’s proximity.
It is under these times of crises that people have looked toward a larger symbolic meaning to life – what is life all about (?)– and have given it a deity in which humans deficient of all problem solving knowledge allow this imaginary deity complete control of our destiny. The propensity to look outside of ones self for an explanation of the unknown is an historical empiricism. In exchange of not knowing due to lack of information to create knowledge bases we use abstract measures as a type of place holder until a scientific explanation is promulgated. In exchange this deity gives us calmness or falsified reassurance. While it may be false it is necessary that we think it true. This is because our mental wellness is predicated upon our faith of that affirmation of the end result of our suffering which is hoped that it will be abated at death. Fatalism, so drawn up in the high-theological debates on God’s will, is also pandemic to the atheist community who still incorporate fear themselves – as it is a scientific reality. Atheists cannot explain certain realities, and therefore fear wells up in their various ideas and hypotheses. Often in crisis where God replaces fear with hope in an atheist’s world, often nihilism replaces fear created by crises. Their critique upon the religious community became so overdeveloped that this forced a reflection upon themselves by in part analyzing the fearful data. In order to remedy this, not thinking or engaging in conscious effort at understanding a reality of scientific data relieves their tensions.
Therefore, adopting hatred and anger as projected at another group whose beliefs are not of ones own relieves the tension created by self examination. The problems of the world are projected upon others for this relieves the stresses caused by the unknown. Atheists are also a part of the class system, marking them as reactionary along with other class reactionary groups. It is the helplessness of being marked in a class group which garners the initial reaction brought on by an engagement with another intending world view when some outside intending force comes into contact with an unlike or dissimilar force. Certainly the Bible explains this hypothesis well. The parables of Sodom and Gomorra revealed that nomadic tribes (Jews in this case) abstained from city dwellings for fear of being trapped within its walls by marauding militias of small armies that would storm and kill its occupants and take wealth. It was also a fear of ideology of the community where intending physical pleasure was communicated in the Bible, which then brought God’s wrath by the cities destructions. It was not that concupiscentia carnis which is also loosely indentified with the moral teaching of Sodom and Gomorrah, but that false self-preservation behind walls and a false sense of security predisposed one to the dangers of the day. In the open plains of Palestine, it was easier to escape roaming armies or militias living outside of city-walls -- than to be surprised at night with a fire attack upon the wooden gate and subsequently looted, burned and massacre because walls had duel purposes ( They kept people out and they kept people in too). Simply hatred projected upon city-dwellers and communal pleasure practices, seen sometimes today as social management solutions to happiness marked the Jews in this episodic as combative to contending ideologies by other class groups who had preferred this lifestyle. In the Biblical case, a study for this section in the Old Testament, the lessen taught survival, even at the expense of preserving normative-contentment practices. Atheist would intend that God punishes lascivious sentiments in which is morally wrong. It should not be a virtue aspired too by society, they intend. However, the core point of the story is easy living and is replaced by a constant vigil for self or tribe preservation. Some humans are predisposed to wanton activities, desiring them, justifying them, and contributing to a social function for them. Simply not all humans are predisposed, be it emotionally or physically to them, thus the anger and resentment which causes the reaction in the first place – a simply dividing mechanism. Therefore, anger against the Biblical narrative here by atheists is understood.
Thomas points out that “[T]he correct reaction on the part of the believer stricken by ill fortune was therefore to search himself in order to discover the moral defect which had provoked God’s wrath, or to eliminate the complacency which had led the almighty to try him [ or he being tried by his own emotions].”
In secular societies, where God is taken out as the moral standard, the correct action is to blame a political class, economic class or racial class. Blame is the point in communal disunification which appears by way of a social disturbance – that is perceived. The problem with Sodom and Gomorra is that superstition replaced in the view of the atheist the solution ( as rational conviction, a following of the communal wantoners) or justification of non-binding community spirit. The nomads chose the protective plains of Palestine and communicated their beliefs in connecting the dots of circumstances that led to some slaughtered cities in which was viewed by them as against self-preservation or group preservation. To put one self in a position to die, was worse than death. To communicate this, it was a superstition called a sin. However, rational it was to the Jews who chose to live outside the real and symbolic walls of the community—this intended separation nonetheless. Pluralism was born into the written record. This will intend one reason why the Jews became despised.
When modern people look back on superstition, they often have little understanding of its needs, its devises, and its problem solving applications. Today, we might not perceive a vocal prayer having any relations to not catching an aerial born disease. In certain environments, we catch colds or flues and we can do little to stop the spread but to quarantine – something that was also understood during the fighting of the medieval plagues.
Invoking God’s spirit was a mental application in which to solve disturbing mental and physical conflictions – which causes the deterioration of ones life. Sumerian and Egyptian priests were stationed at temples to arbitrate contending views. Eventually multi spirituality (invisible beings as physical symbols) became collective social apparatuses in which appointed learned people used invocations of imaginary symbols to solve contending views. The priest who was educated had been educated in divining contending viewpoints – disputes as to offer resolutions. The prefecture in which this accustomed tradition developed resolved to the novel community as a pre-judicial system or prelaw. Communities arouse after settlements formed as a way of fostering an easier lifestyle predicated upon some cooperation of individual involvement. Once communities formed a whole cacophony of social issues that arouse to form a new field of study. Hunter and gatherers banded in like-minded groups and family associations. However, when the families became interconnected within a community setting these contending ideologies of traditional viewpoints needed to be compromised. But if the community became controlled by a intending ideology and not all persons approved the course of action then separation was rationalized, and irrationality by the perceived victim mentality – the scorned in this case seen from both sides, formed reactionary reverberations which appeared as traditions.
Aristotle quoted, De gen. animal., 736b 27ff, in Marsilio Ficino, Three Books on Life, vol. II, eds. trans., Carol V. Kaske and John R. Clark ( New York: The Renaissance Society of America, 1989), p. 27.
Ibid., Marsilio Ficino, Three Books on Life, Repercussions, p. 57. op. cit., Thorndike, 4: 495, see also D. C. Allen, p. 19., n. 7, p. 88; D.C. Allen felt that Ficino was unable to reconcile astrology with free will, pp. 6,9, 18; So did Cassirer, pp. 112-15; see Hans Baron, “Willensfreiheit und Astrologie bei... Ficino,” Kultur –und Universalgeschichte: Festschrift für Walter Goetz (Leipzig, 1927), pp. 145 ff.; ; n. 10, p. 88 “Le ‘elezioni,’: rebuttal Cassirer, pp. 423-24. The influence of the heavens, if not its predictability or control, was universally recognized, says Keith Thomas (Decline of Magic.....), upon the weather and the areas involved in agriculture and medicine, p. 289.
Ibid., Parker, Familiar to all, William Lilly and Astrology in The Seventeenth Century, p. 94. “all almanacs and prognostications; she renewed the license in 1588, for a period of 21 years. Apart from their publications, no almanacs seem to have been issued during the forty or so years after 1570, though it is difficult to believe that a total censorship or ban can have been imposed,” p. 94.
Ibid., Parker, Familiar to all, William Lilly and Astrology in The Seventeenth Century, p. 90, these were calendar systems in which authors could retrieve ancient festivals, calendar correlations, and other perceived data streams used in forecasting their own modern astro-phenomena interpretations.
Baumann, Brian, Divine Knowledge, Buddhist Mathematics According To The
Anonymous Manual Of Mongolian Astrology and Divination (Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijoff Publishing and VSP, 2008), p. 621. Udaribadaribad/Udaribadaripad, in sec. Glossary.
Beaune, Colette, [section: Prophecy ] Les texts prophétiques et la prophétie en Occident (XIIe –XVe Siécle), A. Vauchez (dir.), Rome, 1990. in “Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages,” eds., André Vauchez, et al., English translation, Adrian Walford, vol. 2 (Cambridge, England: James Clark & Co Ltd., 2000), pp. 1189-1190.
FBI Agent Sues Over Misconduct
By Michael J. Sniffen
Associated Press Writer
Saturday, Nov. 4, 2000; 1:10 a.m. EST
WASHINGTON –– A 20-year veteran FBI agent is asking court permission to tell President Clinton and watchdogs in Congress about what he calls criminal misconduct by federal workers during a top secre undercover national security operation.
Was it structural history? Putting order into prescience: Since it was the Golden Age ( Cronus) a type of chronological expression on order of the universe presupposed Nostradamus’ mindset. Aquinas’ predestination arguments were a reaction to John Scotus Eriugena who “wrote his De praedestinatione. “According to the illuminating formulations of St. Thomas Aquinas, predestination is “the project of leading the reasonable creature to *eternal life* (Summa theologiae Ia, q. 23, a. 1) or “a certain plan conceived in the divine mind of ordaining some to eternal *salvation.” (a. 2). “William of *Ockham’s treatise De praedestinatione et de praescientia Dei respectu futurorum contingentium represents a new step in the discussion, both because it is a very fine example of an application of the logico-semantic method to a theological problem and because it clearly enunciates the theoretical difficulties connected with the doctrine of knowledge of future contingents implied in any theology of predestination.” [ so the Pelagian argument is that merit causes predestinating, and this was adopted by the Catholic Church, although quizzically they had to support their church father, St. Augustine of Hippo, who was against Pelagian in the fourth century (#4 church council debate), in which Augustine won.].” The backlash against normative science pretends we as a human people cannot control our destinies, we simply create technologies for our personal and/or group interests in which in which pressure to that novelty, such as Terrence McKenna’s thesis, we destroy ourselves. [ everyone’s, actually]
So when we get history, Assyianology, the most prolific material saved is attributed to astrology and astronomy. People felt a need to connect these symbols in the sky to symbols formed below. It created the creation scenario which helps explain the synergy syncretism of different local's ' origin stories. “Though our astrology is a direct descendent of Babylonian astrology [the name we give to Mesopotamian astrology in general] the middle-period astrology of the Babylonians and Assyrians - as shown by these records - is very different to what we have today. Their astrology was wholly concerned by ittu, Akkadian for what nowadays we would describe as omens.”
“In tropical (i.e. traditional) astrology, the Vernal and Autumnal Equinoxes also mark the point where the Sun enters Aries and Libra; i.e. reaches 0º Aries and 0º Libra respectively. However, since the time of Hipparchus, astrologers have been aware that the Spring Point does not correspond to the astronomical constellation of Aries. Instead it is moving backwards (i.e. “preceding”) through the Zodiac at the rate of 50.3” of arc every year (or 1º every 71.6 years). Thus instead of being near Aries, it is now towards the western end of the constellation of Pisces, slowly approaching Aquarius. As of the Vernal Equinox 2007, the Spring Point will be closest to the star Omega-Piscium.”
Oronce Finé (in Latin, Orontius Finnaeus or Finaeus; Italian Oronzio Fineo) Born in Brinçon (20 December 1494, d. 8 August 1555; Latin Brigantium; son Michel Fine) which is in the Provence-Alpes –Câte d’Azur region of southeastern France, the second highest city (1, 250 meters) in Europe after Davos, and built on a plateau surrounded by Durance and the Guisane (Brigantium of the Romans was part of the kingdom of King Cottius). A grandson to physicians, he was educated in Paris’ Collège de Navarre, and obtained a degree in medicine in 1522. Imprisoned as a student in 1518, he showed his rebelness and was again imprisoned in 1524 during the intense atmosphere of the predicted inundation. He was appointed to the chair of mathematics at the Collège Royal ( today’s Collège de France) in 1532. One of his jobs was to study middle age eclipse records. This college was founded by François I, which explains these many dedications to the king of L’Horloge Planétaire and mathematical works by Finé. Like da Vinci, and Carponne, he worked on fortifications. Finé worked on fortifications for Milan, because of continuing the Italian Wars. He gave the value of pi to be (22 2/9/)7 in 1544. Later, he gave 47/15 and, and in De rebus mathematicis (1556, published a year after his death), he gave pi as 3 11/78.
Finé published in 1536, at Paris, a heart shaped map of the world, in which he took Ptolemy’s world map and combined it with information from Ferdinand Magellan’s voyage (Portuguese: Fernão de Magalhães; Spanish Fernando de Magallanes; b. spring 1480 at Sabrosa, d. 27 April, 1521, Mactan Island, Cebu, Philippines). He worked on this map for five years. However, the source was not only Ptolemy’s information and legends as it has been recorded in historiography. In 1519, Two-hundred and thirty-seven men in five ships set out to circumvent the globe, thus seeking passage to the Pacific, and only eighteen persons returned to Spain in 1522. Carte du Monde en Forme de Cœur, Paris, s.d. In plano.—B.N., Cartes et plans, Rés. Ge DD 2897 (63). The map was engraved on wood (51 x 57 cm into 2 F. assembled) and clearly shows the Americas ( including South America) as it is titled as America. The title is in the continent we know today as South America. North America is a little less defined and blends into Asia in which Ptolemy derived some legends from Ptolemy, but the separation of a Pacific ocean clearly demonstrated the earth was round. Yet, Finé also used some of the astronomical, astral data logged by Magellan and his crew. This information helped give shape to South America, an achievement of its time.
Part of Finé’s drive to calculate his latitude of birth, came from his desire to correctly define his latitude for a self-drawn horoscope. They created the need to interpolate the hour with the grid of the earth. While it is described as for his own self-pleasure, we look to what it entailed. It increased scientific knowledge. In some sense, while trade-science sparked latitude studies for ship-faring, astrology/astronomy defined corrections and studies to correctly cast ones own horoscope. Finé’s work on alchemy and astrology defined him for his time.
Petrus Apianus ( b. 16 April 1495, Essen, Holy Roman Empire (today’s North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany) d. 21 April 1552, a.k.a. Peter Apian) grew up in a middle class Leisnig family, and his father was an astronomer. He attended the Latin school in Rochlitz, and studied at the University of Leipzig from 1516 to 1519. He moved to Vienna and continued studying at the University of Essen, which was a leading university on geography and mathematics (especially statistics). Plague broke out in Vienna in 1521, but Apianus had completed his B.A. and moved to Regensburg, then onto Landshut. In Landshut he produced his Cosmograghicus Liber (1524), which saw mass production (~ 30 reprints). He then moved to Ingolstadt (Upper Barvaria, Germany, elevation 400 m) where he set up a print-shop and attended the University of Ingolstadt. In 1535, a favorite of Charles V, by this work, he was nobelized (armiger, granting of a coat of arms). This granted Apianus a monopoly in the print industry. A promised commission by King Charles V, Apianus went to work on Astronomicum Ceasareum, In 1540, after finishing this work, dedicated to Charles V, he was made court mathematician and in 1544 made a royal knight of the Holy Roman Empire (Reichsritter).
This is a religious word, and not a secular word
Predestination ( Latin præ, destinare) probably came from pre-Biblical times, but has been communicated solely as a foundation of Calvinism, and previously as qualified meanings by St. Augustine of Hippo and Pelagians. Predestination, as opposed to fatalism, is solely created for a religious context. The Petrine fathers needed a term to communicate that God changed his mind and sent himself in human flesh to forgive the sins of Adam and Eve, which he longed for the company of the human race.
Whatever misuses it has solved in relations to similar post-present concepts the pre, meaning as before and destiny mark the word as a complexive descriptor. A destination that is pre-known is a denotative application to a prescribed dialogue. This means that something will happen in the future and nothing can change it from not happening. Fatalism has the same denotation but in a secular sense, but both marking the same interpreted format other than predestination’s religious context. Under Luther, Predestination belongs solely to God, as well as Calvinism; yet both of these Protestant original denominations dispute over its human prescription. Socrates spoke in cyclical terms relating and intending to competing philosophical contexts of Greece. Plato, therefore was not preferred or taught during the medieval ages. Abstract ideas were issued by various intellects, but Aristotle’s rationalism remained paramount during the thirteenth to seventeenth centuries and more-or-less until the late nineteenth century when Plato finally was put black in place in western civilization’s historiography.
In the Old Testament, predestination is not a dominate theme, or communicated by God to his creations (humans). Adam and Eve were forced out of the Garden of Eden by God’s orders that communicated to his cherubim who had led them out of paradise, as God did not promise that these created humans could return to him; but God promised that they would return to dust (or the earth). Therefore, death was the price of betrayal of disobeying God’s orders – which was not to try to be like him and know all things which would threaten his authority as power. Yet, being at the top is lonely some Gnostics and theologians claimed, not hidden to our own secret thoughts. It is not until some figures in the Old Testament that will predict a change of sentiment for which God has repented and will send himself in flesh to redeem the imperfectness of humans. While this is a paradox claim, and is communicated by Christians, this intends God had free-will or was basically confused. Why would he have banned his creations knowing that he had needed them to fill his need for companionship? God would have wanted them back in the first place?
To understand this dilemma, men wrote the Bible and these conflicts over absolutism of time and space and all things involved – both consciousness and physicalness pertained to predestination (Destiny)— bore out the ultimate contradictions. First the pure idea of predestination argues: nothing could be changed at the absolute level of control as all things which were fixed (or in Christianity, ordained) and no one or anything had control to change the future. Fatalism or the feeling of not being in control frightened some groups of humans who reacted and claimed that indeed they had free-will. They argued there is no such thing as predestination. If there were humans who could challenge freedom and choice and claim that whoever controlled predestination controlled social management, controlled political agency, controlled economic sustainability. Predestination became a threat larger than Calvinism, it touched deep into secular authority and secular prescience.
These passages too are in the Bible which forms a paradox. However, there is no paradox at all. Time and space are perceived both as linear and non-linear and operate together and has been proven mathematically. It is not the humans that are judges of which side to chose but the mere perception of time and space and how it fits within ones life’s’ circumstances – as we will see it had effected Nostradamus’ actions.
Only with God, as Jesus Christ, sacrifice for all the sins of humans that predestination became legitimized in Christianity.
When humans began to interpret Jesus Christ’s’ message of eternal salvation, only then did eternity became a known concept to the Christian religion. Another term invaded theologians and scientists alike. Præscientia (Foreknowledge) in Christianity intended that God was infallible, that is to say eternal in the notion of motion – or time and space in the esoteric tradition.
Contention today, as it was contended back in his day, over legitimizing predestination revolved around some socio-political and economic circumstances involving groups in authoritative power over other’s destiny.
Nobility was a predestined ideology communicated as such. Persons married into noble classes and noble classes own land and this land brought them economic and political power. They then handed down this economic and political power to their offspring. It was predestined as an ideology. However, a predestination prediction offered by non-nobles which incited non-nobles to revolt against the status system, resulted in the banning of information. Like the Chinese Fascist (Communist party) party (1549- current as of 2009) peasant and rural management is a priority to providing the predestination of the intending authoritative structures. In both Mao and Deng’s era and onward, city-folk often faired better than their counterparts in the countryside (although this was evident many times in dynastic Chinese studies). In Chinese historicism, overthrow of governments came from mainly southern peasant revolts (if it was not conquest from the northern tribes, e.g. why the Great Wall was built). The tension between the middle class city-dwellers of modern China and the rural non-modern Chinese farmers and peasants create a tension, not unlike the feudalistic periods in western Europe, and later 19th century Russia.
Free-will practiced as a concept in western republicanism changed its rulers in frequent electoral cycles. In current Chinese ideology, predestination argues that the fascist oligarchy of Chinese ruling party, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) will forever remain in power. But if a peasant millennialism movement comes about and preaches that predestination will overthrow the corrupt government – then predestination is argued as non-existent and force is used to stop the spread of the movement and its idealism.
To counter such prelocutionary utterances of non-conformity, nobles often employed their own astrologers who use systems of divination, such as the ability to read or interpret an horoscope; This way they could plan for the future or have an inside avenue of knowledge to compact the peasant or spiritual reformers’ horoscopic applications.
When the Church gained secular power by a reaction to break away stat ideologies of conquest and fortune, they too hired their own diviners. They listened for public currents of spiritual diviners and reacted to their claims. In the modern sense of the practice of a sub-section of superstition, political science can be a pedagogical application. A diviner worked from a set of acquired data, be it empirical, learned through books, or passed down in prognostic glosses. After the analysis of some sort of data, a matrix of knowledge forms the foundation in which to test the data.
Predestination legitimized religion, and religion legitimized social laws. Religion it has been often argued created the down fall of the Roman Empire (although this is not actually the case!). Religion adopted with its strict adherent social constraints of the Middle Ages created a less aggressive European population. It was only the semi-paganistic applications of the protestant movements that created the apparatuses of attaining material wealth in conjunction to God’s improvement. Spiritualism had been conquered in a large part and war and conquest became the western norm in which created the Longue Durée. While it had been long communicated in historiography such as Jacob Burckhardt to name one dominate scholastic source used even today, the Church controlled the medieval ages. This is simply a qualified and practical generalization. Secular power formed a relationship within religious power for each dominating each other at various times during of these periods. German nobility and princes used Martin Luther’s predestinational argument to emancipate from participation with the Catholic Church. The Catholic Church as a reaction to contending secular powers was forced to themselves became secular powers and imposes their wills onto lands and populations --- all which were affected at the core of society’s interconnectivity. When Church and State finally became disentangled in legal codes of various western civilization- states, these states saw its material heights of power and global dominance become a reality based upon rationalism. Predestination had been framed in the argument as irrational, or supernatural – unknown or provable to hard science. Free-will governed western civilization, and science rationalized its empirical claims. Yet, free-will had always inherently been associated with materialistic success. Therefore, Calvinism had to disassociate materialistic secular power (as with Luther) carefully implying of the religious argument of God tended to explain predestination in time and space. Most other denominations of the Protestant movements, as well as the Catholic movements intended free-will as the ultimate salvation of human beings in relationship to God’s ultimate plan of returning humans to himself.
Materialism substituted medieval religious ideology of explanation of salvation history. Protestants brought back into discourse the concept of the predestinational elect. Calvin perfected the doctrine, while Luther intended its qualifications. Most other denominations simply could not grasp the difficult paradoxes, so as leaving this concept alone, and communicating only simplistic doctrine of salvation predicated upon faith alone. Therefore offering a tacit understanding of fatalism to all its practitioners, the elect were communicated as unknown so it was not necessary to try to be good to one another. Although a counter doctrine of free-will abated the nihilistic and fatalistic ramifications of mental stability of their congregations – citing that God knows all, but you still need to strive for perfection yourselves in order to become a possible elect. However, in Revelations, the 144,000 elect is a communicated astrological aspect known back then and but hidden from others who do not understand its predestination superstitious applications to prodigal practitioners – of whom God as eternal preordained to understand it and use for ones advantage. When the downtrodden have no peace because of suppression, they use these knowledge apparatuses for social changes – which entail all political science’s main three fields of concentration: political, economic and social.
Instead, the empirical evidence of the physical body’s appearance and the competence of the educational and military training supplanted the ideology of peace. Sparta dominated Athens in like manner. Socrates had been in historiography by semi-literate studies shown to favor Sparta and thusly opposed democracy. Socrates, as we know lived in a time when Athens’s officials were stealing Dalian funds form the Palace Athena temple on the Acropolis. These were criminal, betrayal and concerned issues to Socrates who saw a democracy fall from a Republic to a city of lavishness and decadence. Sparta remained vigilant to training their children in self-sufficiency and self-preservation.
Since peace could only be attained in a personal context, then communal peace was communicated as illusion. Since illusion was dominant in social control, certain repressed individuals began to use divinatory superstition for their own ends. This upset the hierarchical structures of the European society. The conflict came in the guise of a paradox. In order to achieve materialism, a totalitarian ideology of communal effort lay at the foundation of material progress. In order to do this religion had to be taken out of its spiritual conception and communicated as compartmentalism. Since the doctrine of election communicated that only a few select would enter paradise, this opened the door for paganistic and fatalistic doctrines necessary for materialistic ascension. Under the illusion of Christianity of protesting against non-progressive material ascension, the west became powerful under the guise of an illusion of religious adherence. Did kings, aristocracy and even clergy act in like manner of what they knew was religion proper? It was more ritualistic in a way to communicate to the masses that goodness was the doctrine and sometimes humans fell from grace and could be forgiven. This concept, of course, was abused for secular power struggles and materialistic avarice. Since this abuse was empirical to the common senses, the prophets and diviners of the Early Modern Era began to use superstition as a bottom to top vehicle for materialistic destiny themselves. This helps to explain why the famous nineteenth century social reformers used this era for their argument of the beginnings of class warfare. They mainly relied on looking at the material aspects of modernity. They claimed, and rightly so, spiritualism as connected to religion was not the cause of human destiny. Therefore, the polemic that religion lay at the heart of all that is deemed negative in western civilization discourse is qualified at the very least of the argument. In fact there is little evidence that most powerful individuals, as movers and shakers of western civilization were of the religious conviction that God calls for materialistic wealth to define the predestinational elect. Calvinism was solely made up as a paganistic umbrella placed over the twisting of religious rhetoric. Calvinism was a Christian-like paganism. While no icon apparatus intended of its doctrine, material success lay at the heart of its message. The Reformation created materialism as its backbone argument to justify human sins, all predicated upon an illusion argument of elected – teleoses-predestination. Since God already knew who he was going to save before he created you on earth, it was pointless to try to be in his good graces; yet the illusion perceived by humans communicated to do so was a necessity for public-communal- control. Materialism provided the emphasis of pride as well as greed. Once the great symbolic buildings and engineering projects solved materialistic needs of a growing nineteenth century a certain geographical population religion was still used in its dual purpose. It was used to control classes as well as provide the emphasis or justification of avarice. Since this was empirical, religion of Christianity was paganism at its best. Materialism, even in though, was the mental-icon of idolatry.
Therefore, predestination ramified a jurisprudent and somewhat a restrictive social measure in the view of certain individuals and groups. One such case was an overbearing judicial process of religious codified social-laws. Marriage as an institution, codified by the Catholic religious authorities (Sacrament, 15-16th cc.) worked against freedom of choice of an individual. Yet, the breakdown of family empirically limited the materialist success as argued by many religious. Since Adam was under God’s control as a subject and not an equivalent boss or a cooperative partner, heretical kingship lay as the foundation of monotheism. This helps explain why separation of church and state were vital ideas in founding of the United States of America, and in Athens; therefore paganism helped foster a multi-theistic explanation of their world as it incorporated or tolerated non-religious believers as well. Athens and the U.S.A. never a real democracy, bore symbols and jurisprudence of a republican form of government – in case of Athens only the male born citizens could take part, and for the U.S.A. an electoral system of three central governing ideas made up its system while a single separate branch of a judicial process created a limited public representational system. Under Christianity’s doctrine of a single leader as it pertains to kings, these types of people rule could never have lived under the pretext of social equality. Therefore, to explain a state, the U.S.A. has only been a limited democracy, and religion a vital part in the European domination for an about two centuries. Since democracies in concept create many kings, monotheism is contrary to its system. Therefore, the atheistic cannot claim that monotheism created the evil of the U.S.A. in history. The facts do not add up as religion was separated and only an illusion in personal belief.
If God was real and predestination fact, then God’s jurisprudence interpretative by temporal power threatened free-will of the individual or group. Therefore, skeptics, agnostic, and atheists to name a few non- religious groups concerned their own crusade against predestination, founded claims by which fear of social emancipation threatened religion itself. It was in fact a rebellion against God. In order to do this, science needed to explain why mankind chose to believe in an invisible spirit that controlled all lives of its believers, and chose for them their destinies. A host of explanations resulted. People who believed in God had sexual repressions, came from poverty, had a history of social repression therefore predisposed to a fatalistic destiny and used God as a form of social activism predicated on brotherly love which in concept intended that all of human creators had the right to basic human rights (as we understand the word today). Therefore, religion was born out of management control of a wider and growing population of human beings.
Ruedi Imbach, in Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages II K-Z, eds., Andre Vauchez, Barrie Dobson, Michael Lapidge, trans., Adrian Walford, 1st ed. English (Cambridge, England: James Clarke & Co, 2000), p. 1180.
Ibid., Imbach, Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages.... further, ““Around the mid 14th c., *Thomas Bradwardine reacted with the treaties De causa Dei against those whom he called the new Pelagians, including Ockham, by strongly insisting on the priority of grace over merit. His theses on necessity and freedom, one which states that God can necessitate the created * will to a free act, were motivated by “the intuition of an absolute priority of divine action in all domains” (J.-F. Genest). They provoked lively reactions.” [[ M. Adams McCord, N. Kretzmann, William Ockham, Predestination, God’s foreknowledge and Future Contingents, New York, 1969. – G. Schrimpf, Des Beitrad des Johannes Scottus Eriugena zun Prädestinationsstreit”, Die Iren und Europe im frühen Mittelater, 2, Stuggart, 1982, 819-865. – J.-F. Genest, Prédétermination et liberté créée a Oxford au XIVe siècle, Paris, 1992. – H.J.M. Goris, Free creatures of an eternal God: Thomas Aquinas on God’s infallible foreknowledge and irresistible will, Louvain, 1996. -- J. H. Halverson, Peter Aureol on Predestination, Leiden, 1998.].”
First Results from the CHARA Array. I. An Interferometric and Spectroscopic Study of the Fast Rotator Alpha Leonis (Regulus)., McAlister, H. A., ten Brummelaar, T. A., et al., , , The Astrophysical Journal, 2005, in Babylonian Astrology (accessed 10 May 2009), available from http://www.jwmt.org/v2n12/against.html; Internet.
See, Pierre Leber, “Epitre exhortative touchant la prefection et comodité des arts libéraux mathématiques (Paris, 1532), B.N., Impr., Rés. Ye 1536., ref. in “Science et Astrologuie au XVIe Siècle, Oronce Fine et Son Horloge Planetaire, 22 Novembre --22 Décembre”( Paris: Bibliotèque Siant-Gemeviève, 1971). Also note that accents were not used in many publishing at this time, Oronce Fine is spelt as it appears then.
Ibid., Fine dedicated la Protomathesis, published in 1532 – dedicated to Francois I, which garnered him a pension. This was a major work on arithmetic, geometry, gnomonic projection, and cosmography. See Francios Ier Fait Payer ses Gages a Oronce Fine, s.d.—Arch.Nat., J 96I, n° 8, fol. 83. for Protomathesis, see Gérard Morrhius et Jean Pierre, 1532, Paris, In-fol.—B.S.G., V fol. 9 inv. 8 Rés.
From Akkadian root words in which were adopted into Hebrew cognates of to see, and to proclaim, the very social words of prophet developed out of its denotative meaning of “seer” : to see and proclaim. Biblical words such as hozeh and ro'eh have been translated into English as seer; and associated to God’s divination to humans as a way to communicate his plans to groups of people. Superstition on the other hand derived from a disassociation with a contending belief system usually predicated upon cultural and ethnic bias. Therefore, Canaanites used superstitious methods to communicate to their deities, whereas the Hebrews used a correct form of divination to contact their deity – from their point of view. The subject is the division of the unity of community. It forms a breaking point for a tradition of unity as understood during a time period of social stresses. For example, when Geert Groot offered his Publica Protestatio (Latin for public declaration as denotative or connotative for public proclamation, which was then revisited to Protestant, or protestation) in the late 1370s, as a way to protest against an “impartiality toward his public censures who the local Catholic religious authorities – who were in fact guarding tradition. It was a part of the normative socio-political conviction of which small grammar schools had allowed laymen to reveal discrepancies in what they determined were scriptural interpretations. This was the rebirth of public schools’ , European origins. While Groot died before any arrest was made ( he possible was allowed to continue, being careful in how far he pushed his arguments), his movement was a reaction to traditions which had become static or no longer necessary. His legacy provides a point of reference toward the pre-reformation timeline.
Again, Laurens Videl’s contradictory and vitriolic attack upon Nostredame for marginalizing the Almanack market, appears requiescat of a desperate business competitor when he claims that he knows Moses himself has not commanded Nostredame to prophecy. Much of Videl’s attack upon Nostredame comes from some epistemic dominance of God’s intentions. As with Théodore de Bèze, Calvin’s successor in Geneva, Martin Luther, and many other individuals in history had concluded to take issue that they had known what God is and does, and thus they rather tell others what God is instead of enquiry by parsing disorientate passages out of context in the Bible to make their point. These passages, such as Deuteronomy 18, contradicts their interpretation because of the multi-opinion and multi-faceted Bible. Videl exclaims to Nostredame that he is not “one of the prophets of whom Moses says at Deuteronomy 18: ‘The prophet who through arrogance tires to say what I have not commanded him to say, he shall be put to death.’” Lemesurier intends that Videl through the Holy Scriptures as refutation against Nostredame’s claims. Yet, in conscientious reading, how is Moses telling Nostredame that he is arrogant? It is hard to think that Videl is mentioning Moses in contemporary sixteenth century Europe, or a vague reference to a reincarnation, non-the-less. Rather, as the passage continues, it is not Moses but Videl who intends Nostredame was arrogant. Therefore, the supposition imposes a psychological metaphor that Videl is acting in Moses’ voice as arbiter of contending viewpoints. Simply Moses’ judgment for arrogant prophets is death. This sly insertion contradicts his later claims he intends, that “[I] am not as hostile to you as you imagine.” Inserting an assassination clause predicted upon an Old Testament Patriarch reveals the stiff business competition in which as I had pointed out years ago, his partner Claude Fabri were Almanack publishers at Lyon, and Videl had lived in Avignon and was considered a degreed Doctor and professional astrologer. Therefore, it is during the religious wars that framing, or what we can connotatively call flaming ( modern computer speak of disruption of communication to cause chaos) can describe Videl’s confused book. He simply states the obvious. Each protestant and eventually all religious and non-religious took the mantle of know-it-all, or what I say of the interpretation of the Holy Book or in life will be seen by you a correct – thus correcting your incorrect ways. While Videl speaks in the place of God through Moses’ voice and issues a judgment without support indicates the hypocritical stance taken as communication to which Videl offers his refutation to Nostredame’s hypocrisy for hoping that God will not do what he will do to the earth.
Videl accused Nostredame of being God. Videl says, “So now I would like to ask you whether you are not trying to tell everybody that you have a prophetic spirit that reveals everything to you, given that you speak as if you were assuredly God.” From what is known Nostredame had not replied or was there a support to suggest that Videl received a reply.
Videl’s date is of importance, in that the version used by Lemesurier intends it was completed by 25th November 1557. This would coincide with VI.L possible publishing inclusion into the second series of Les Propheties. Videl refers to reading of the 1557 Almanck, among many of the preceding Almanacks produced by Nostredame, which was his orders to do so, possibly by Fabri.
Videl portends a contradiction of Nostredame when he says that “in your Almanach for 1556 when you say ‘ happy he who shall walk and shall not walk on ground, and happier he who has little or no money.’” Considering Videl is speaking vaguely, as he is with no mention to what or how long, Lemesurier places “you had acquired three to four hundred crowns,” the monetary value equivalent to $30,000 or more commonly understood as a little above poverty standards for the United States of America in the first decade of the twentieth century. Videl’s point was to make Nostredame appear as someone who was a rich person who lived the good life as Videl had once done. Videl states, “[B]ut you weren’t prepared to be one of those happy ones with little or northing, were you?” It does not appear that Videl had known how hard Nostredame had struggled until his mid-forties. And the $30,000 in today’s equivalent is non-so-great amount. A decade ago, this amount would not be sufficient for one year of tuition, room and board, for an United States of American college student. However, in lesser developed countries this amount of funds could build a house. Yet, Videl does not point to specifics as such as from the year 1550-1557 that this was the sum total of earning of Nostredame. If this was the case, Nostredame was indeed paid poorly. And still, we have no recollection of Nostredame’s worth, and only upon analysis that his wife was wealthy which would void Videl’s argument altogether. As well, as Wilson so eloquently points out, Nostredame could have retired long ago, but had worked up till the very last night of his life.
The Protestant Reformation intends its base significance was a Declaring of a reform and by the use of a protest against the prevailing system -- which are sought fundamental changes from collective conscriptions to individualistic determination. It is understood that seers (or prophets) arose in like manner in history. During times of crises, or perceived crises, certain prodigies took the mantle of divination (dividing the intending traditions) and protested against the prevailing system. In order to do this, they used superstition but of a different sort; that was the scientific method, as it was known to them not be the term but by the idea. It was the intersubjective disciplinary knowledge form that we can link Gnostic disciplines. The apparatus in which they communicated their trade was either seer or prophet.
(In March of 1554, and using the local of Salon 43n38, 05e06, Jul. [ST 0:20 GMT], trop. geocentric, Mars 24:04 Pis; Saturn 20:11 Pis; and Jupiter 29:59r Vir.; this date of the 10 th of March 1554, pertained to a comet at 19h30 in which Nostredame had published; the comet could be seen in Provence; in Presages Marvelous ( Présage Merveilleux...)).
In May of 1555, Nostredame published his first installment of a series of poems that would eventually include two prose sections, of a compendium of edited prophecies. Jean A. Chavigny recorded that during the summer of 1556 Nostredame had visited Paris and the Royal court. However, this was written after King Charles decreed the date changed, from the Gregorian Calendar councils (see Recueil... de 1589, pp. 240 – 440 & 441-537). The actual year is 1555 which had come from Nostredame who had subtly threatened the royal court in rather morbid innuendoes. Nostredame in the only known surviving almanack for 1554, sold at the D. Ruzo collection fills in the missing details of why Nostredame had been summonsed to the French Royal Court. The 1555, Prognostication nouuvelle, & prédiction por - tenteufe , pour l’an M.D. L.V. Composee par maistre Michel Nostradamus, docteur en medicine, de Salon de Craux en Prouence, nommee par Ammianus Marcelinus SALVVIVM., containing the novel imprimatur and published by Iean Brotot (John Brotot) at Lyon, France in late 1554. This began a long series of Almanacks which would last until his last night of his soul on this earth, as for that reincarnation. Yes, this first one contained a passage which Nostredame had lost money on the trip and almost lost his life.
As quoted by Lourens Videl, in his work “Declarations of Abusive Ignorance and Seditions of Michel Nostradamus...,” published by Pierre Roux & Ian Tramblay in 1558, at Avignon, thus stated: le roy se gardera de quelcun ou plusieurs qui ne pourchassent que de faire ce que je n’ose metre par escrit, selon que les [ astres accordez a l’oculte philosophie demonstrent.].” From Wilson’s translation of Videl’s quoted passage, it reads what Nostredame had insinuated toward Henri II: “The King should watch out for himself that one or more individuals do not pursue carrying out that which I dare not put into writing, a matter the stars are showing accordance with occult philosophy.”
Nostredame’s trip to Paris pertained to a foreboding morbidity, something he wasn’t sure of but of one thing- of royal punishment. His threats against a royal court were calculated to instigate a reaction, in which if the bait had been taken as it was, he would have garnered some increasingly positive gossip. In a letter to Jean Morel, 31st of October 1516 from Salon, a reply to a long standing debt incurred, replete with an explanatory for a hurried leave, and his plans to place his first born son in school at Paris, provides us added insight to his only visit to any royal court turned out to be somewhat a sordid affair. César wrote in his History of Provence that the queen sent summons orders to Count Claude of Tend to issue orders for Nostredame to face the king. Of course, being that these orders were issued, Nostredame had to pay out-of-pocket for the trip. Therefore, these orders do not seem to be so urgent. Simply if Nostredame was in trouble, he would have been arrested and brought to Paris and that trip paid by the court. In Nostredame’s dedicatory of the 1558, he mentions that of having stayed with Lyon’s host Guillaume de Gaudagne, “a Florentine merchant’s son who was then the city’s seneschal, or royal representative.” At this house was a local merchant, Jean Guéraud, whose journal derives pertaining information of Nostredame’s personal forebodings. He recorded Nostredame’s passing to the royal court as:
“At this same time there passed through the city an astrologer Michel De Nostre Dame of Salon de Crau de Provence. A man very knowledgeable in chiromancye, mathematics and astrology, he talked of great things and of matters as much from the past as to come, and to the extent of reading thoughts, just as they were spoken. He was on his way to the Court of the King to which he had been summoned. And he greatly feared that some evil might happen to him, for that he said he was in great danger of having his head cut off before the 25th day of the August coming .”
To Morel, Nostredame relates a narrative of why he had not sought him out to repay him at Paris, where Morel had loaned Nostredame a Rose Noble, because Nostredame had spent what money he had on his journey. Morel’s letter to Nostredame speaks about sending letters through a Capitan from Aix, but in Nostredame’s reply assuredly he states he had never received any. Nostredame explains upon seeing the Queen, he mentions that he was broke, by stating that Morel had lent him money – in which he explains this to Catherine more than once. Therefore, in his reply this explains Nostredame’s statement that of which he says, “I firmly believed that as a result of what I had said to Her Majesty the Queen you had been satisfied.” It appears that once Nostredame finally arrived at Paris, he was broke.
But of this matter he never spoke to me, although very often I mentioned it to him.
With regard to what you wrote, that I left Paris snubbing my friend, rest assured that, though you may be pleased thus to write, I did not think in that fashion, that it is not in my nature, that I do not know how to insult, nor of insult, and that such imperfections are not mine and do not belong to me but are quite alien to my nature, quality and condition.
As a matter of fact, as a fine reward for having gone to court, I became sick, whereupon His Majesty the King sent me one hundred crowns. The Queen sent me thirty. There you have a fine sum for having come two hundred leagues: having spent a hundred crowns, I made thirty crowns out of it.
But that's beside the point. After I had returned to Paris from Saint-Germain, a very striking great lady, whose identity I do not know, but who by her appearance seemed to be a very virtuous and honorable lady, came to see me the night I returned and spoke to me for some time, I couldn't say of what, and took leave quite late.
The next morning she came to see me again. After Her Ladyship had conversed with me about her affairs with more intimacy than before, she finally told me that the Gentlemen from the Justice of Paris intended to find me in order to question me about the science of which I made use and how I predicted what I did. I told her by way of reply that they need not take the trouble to come on such a mission, that I would save them the trouble and that I had planned to leave the next morning for return to Provence, which indeed I did.
Frederick Engels had justified Thomas Müntzer’s Twelve Articles’ peasant revolt (1524-’25, in the black forest region, of today’s Germany) as the first modern and lower class social revolt against the aristocracy. This revolt brought changes. Müntzer (b. 1491- d. 1525) a former Dominican priest who took a more radical position than Luther, chose to advocate to the serfs a social gospel of individualism based upon parsed phrases of Martin Luther’s Germanic emancipation rhetoric. Luther uses the phrase “The priesthood of all believers,” often as a social tool to end Roman economic hegemony. In fact it was the German princes that latched onto Luther’s ideas that led to socio-economic and political change. Yet, the consequences were empirical. Müntzer furthered this rhetoric into a social position to emancipate the common people from economic, social and political restriction. Everyone was a priest; everyone was entitled to challenge the power structures and advocate their own human individual rights. It was solely based upon God’s words of all are equal and have a chance to commune with God. Müntzer asked Luther to join him, but Luther content with his emerging secular power swore off social revolution. While Luther was emancipating German princes and aristocracy from the economic and political controls of Rome, he advocated keeping the secular hierarchal structures in Germany at the same secular hierarchical system which he had been born. Frederick protected Luther, but if Luther went to Müntzer’s side, Frederick would abolish his protectorate and possibly end Luther’s career.
Luther set forth the motions for the Augsburg Confession of 1530 in which was argued that the Christian Bible is the authority, and not the Catholic Church and its traditions.
Empirically, as Giorgio Vasari had mentioned in his artistic historiography, The Lives of the Painters, “the coat of arms and insignia of Pope Julius and signifying the fact that the period [Roman Renaissance] during his rule was an age of gold,” a redistribution of wealth was at hand. It just needed to be communicated to the suppressed groups.
In the lands of the German communities, serfdom was not a wide European phenomenon. German serfs identified themselves as a repressed group once a larger intercommunication entangled in the emancipation project of the Reformation was well on its way. The serfs began to rationalize their social station in life. German serfs made the foodstuff for the aristocracy, the church and the nobles. They garnered extreme importance because of their position in controlling the destiny of Europe. In doing so, serfdom was limited or abolished in the southern European lands, and the peasantry received more rights and freedom, because they were needed; it was the key event in the break-down in the feudal peasant serfdom era -- and some historians see a rebirth of serfdom in 16th-17th centuries, and this was of much truer sense in Germany. Serfdom in Germany was a tinder box of class tension. German serfs wanted to eliminate feudal dues, which are secular, and therefore they wanted to eliminate 10% tithe-dues toward the Church; and these peasants were starving to death, undernourished, sickly and materially deprived. They had claimed why should we support some clergy in monasteries so far away who live some lives so comfortably while we suffer? Even the new German Protestant religious’ [ sounds leftwing here? 30 sept 2011; first edit since 2009), if I have time, thus this is a rough draft] who held some type of non-serfdom status sided with the German nobility and aristocracy. These views were installed in them by social revolutionaries such Martin Luther and others. Thomas Münzter simply continued the fragmentation of the secular order by linking religion with a type democratic ideas in which formed some sort of liberation theology. Luther argued that Rome and the pope did not have control over the destiny of men, but that each man had his own destiny and was not linked to ethnic or moral legality from scriptural interpretation by a set or group of statecraft controllers.
When Luther’s ideas made a public appetence in the German lands, by way of these printing presses that were at this time unregulated because of their novelty, these peasants used these social arguments for their own emancipation project. This is not unlike what Nostredame communicated in his 1559 prognostication about social instability, although not identifying which region of Europe. Nostredame only supplies his reader with French problems in social disturbances in the last section of his Almanack for 1559.
Keith Thomas in his book, “Religion and the Decline of Magic” (1971) reproduced extracts of this lost Almanack in which its relevance linked a possible social instability at London which had been advocated by the common through Nostredame’s writings. Thomas explains, the prognostications for 1559 had been translated into English, with its gloomy predictions [really?] of ‘diverse calamities, weepings and mournings’ and ‘civil sedition and mutination of the lowest against the highest’ and the government took legal action against the booksellers who sold them. In the correspondence of Mathew Parker ( Archbishop), he had “dismissed these maunderings as a ‘fantastical hotch-potch.’” Yet, these words depicted a possible wishing of a social rebellion by Nostredame. After mentioning the mutination of the common against the aristocracy, Nostredame frames his wish in the context in history: “And such mutation shal be as was not sins the time of Halarick and Himerik of the wandales.” Mutation in this context is understood as a change of political power through some sort of Herodotus’ ‘Sins of the Father’ argument.
Nostredame’s reference is to two famous Vandel leaders who were considered revolutionary of the bottom to top context. Of course, Nostradamus writing in context of this vague passage links these developments to social change and to an election that is seen in perspectives by multiple sides which causes the conflict. Parker could not feel appealed to champion such social sentiment as England teetered on political uncertainty , rather rendering such work to speak to confirm the ideas of top-down traditional politics held religious sway. Nostredame writes, “God is above all. But I find darkely by meane of a certaine new election, partly worthy and partly unworthy”[ ...]. This is the Almanack passage that comes before the Thomas’ quotation in which Archbishop Parker had reacted against Nostredame. It is in fact, according to Parker, Nostredame questioning England’s divine authority and possibly recommended social revolution. There was no certainty of Nostredame’s intentions, as he gave no local or position in this Almanack, instead leading on the ambiguity to foster the common’s imagination.
As it was understood by William Fulke, in his work “Antiprognosticon” (data), explains that prediction could be self fulfilling, simply by the willingness of its intended target to act out in good measure. To Fulke, Nostredame’s influence was indisputable:
“None almost of them that gave any credit to pronostications durst be bold to open their faith and religion...Without the good luck of his prophecies it was thought that nothing could be brought to affect....Except the true preachers of God’s Word had sharply rebuked the people for crediting such vain prophecies, there should have been non end and expectations.”
Yet, the clergy had traditionally been linked with the nobility and court to control the common people. Because of the common people’s basic needs the church acted as mediators between the ruling class who believed they were superior in all psychological and physical capabilities which then justified their suppression of the lower classes. The church had to play the mediator in that a social message was empirical once the translations became available to the Early Modern European masses. When the Protestants identified with the merchant classes and some Protestants then identified with the common peasants and/or serfs, the church became split within a similar denomination. Even the Anglican church split within itself, as the commoners took to messages from these almanacks acting in God’s name, in that these almanacks were also anti-traditional region. The common predisposed that if the king can overthrow tradition, as Henry VIII had done with success, then why could not the common as a class themselves, overthrow the monarchy – or at least agitate it for its rights of freedom. Why Henry VIII only wanted a divorce, and for political reasons Rome denied this to him(Charles V’s influence in alliance building) then this was not a religious issue but a social-economic and political issue.
To end interstate fighting, Erasmus had suggested intermarriage between states so that regulatory symbolism would weaken political motives of conquest. Still the symbolic link of divergent identities remained in the common classes mind the identifiable mode of social climbing – even at the threat of violence and death. While the Reformation offered the realization that Europe remained conservative in its polities, the Almanack revealed the instrument in which to break a now static tradition. As a reaction, the banning of Almanacks in England in 1559 revealed that they were working to assemble these bottoms to top sentiments of class disambiguation. In order to form the justification, a parsing of the Bible in which to frame false prophets as condemned by God, while leaving out the truism that God approved of those prophets. To Parker, Nostredame’s writings were ‘fantastical hotch-potch.’ Parker framed his words in a prelocutionary utterance of the significance for bottom to top social relevance. Parker understood that the common people needed to remain suppressed in order to preserve conservative social classes. Community or communism as later Marx and the socialist preferred a novel social structure, was being assaulted on all sides by the revelation of more individuals being able to read and write – and communicate. As classical books re emerged in discourse, the obviously historical social problems began to be communicated to the masses. These ideas forced a reaction to emerge of a new modern discourse of the seventeenth and eighteen centuries of rationalization. Based upon material science and a spirit of self-destiny in the hands of materialism, religious spiritualism so common to the medieval mindset faded into history as a now defunct ideology; Conquest and knowledge of ideas allowed man to take over God’s position of ruler of ideas. Machiavelli was now preferred writing over Christian humanistic doctrines of princely rule. Machiavelli was very up front in stating he had no idea what religion was about and how it affected the masses. Previous books for princes and how to govern contained moral and ethical objectives. Machiavelli, as a realist, changed this because he found that ethics and morals sometime are a detriment to a prince’s goal of good governance. His focus was simply on individuals who had the talents to rule domains, and to keep their rule stable. He wrote a guide book for them, replete with warning signs and management problems.
If medieval ages were a result of non-conquest and imperialism, then the ages of rationalization, in which were the large empires of history remained empirically the consequence of demoting spiritualism. Historians often refer to how Rome fell being able to observe this trend after Constantine had adopted one monolithic religion. Rome became more passive, stopped imperialism, and the rulers became isolated. Eventually the concepts of Christianity with its brotherly love of mankind ended the animalistic conquest mentality so apparent in the rational Cesar period. The Catholic Church tried to regulate conquest knowledge and suppress learning –because learning brought upon humans ideas of self-destiny. When commoners began to understand how to read and write in lieu of the ancient classical works being resurrected, they themselves became empowered. Their own revelation spurred their inner convictions to promulgate an emancipation proclamation of what they saw as wrong with society. For Luther, this proclamation was Tetzel’s pandering and character toward garnering funds for the rebuilding of St. Peter’s Basilica. For Luther, St. Peter was not the end all of Christian theology but Paul of Tarsus. The thirteen Pauline letters in the New Testament allowed Luther to counteract the traditions of St. Peter. This had only come through the result of the commoner who now had a voice of power by way of reading and writing – which lead to revealing the details. It was a scientific parsing of the Pauline letters in which Luther dissected the Catholic Church’s theological position predicated upon St. Peter’s traditional dominance. The Church could do nothing because Luther was in fact a commoner; but in the sixteenth century a commoner with powerful protectors.
This is confirmed in that the people knew of the repression of the monarchy toward the common people and Parker could do nothing but distract the message of social revolution in Nostredame’s 1559 and 1560 Almanacks. While Parker acted in God’s name with authority, so did Nostredame. It was not this authoritative claim which had mattered to the common people but the message itself of ‘mutiny’ and ‘revolution.’ Inherent in its message was disapproval of the socio-political- and economic tradition. While Nostredame had first hand seen what people had done in Venice, and northern Italy, and his support of Savonrola and the republicanism that demonstrated somewhat that the people could rule and prosper, his victims remained the what would become later known as the ancient regimes. It would be a little over two hundred years before a real break in tradition began with the social revolution in France in the 1790s.
If the experts claim Nostredame predicted nothing, then he was a social agitator. It is through his utterances in which we derive our claims.
The aristocracy, the Church traditionally opposed the common classes and supported the monarchs of Europe. While the Italian Wars, and the Reformation signified a discontinuance of this tradition, a new threat of the common class arouse as the new agitators of the aristocracy.
The banning of Nostradamus’ and other prognostications in England at this time reveals social control through the banning of the written word – such as self fulfilling threats clocked in a self mantling of God’s intended messenger – reached a social agitation in which the clergy by pressure from the nobles reacted. So the question remains: Was Nostredame really a monarchist? Or was he also playing the role of political agitator in a religious context as Münzter had done – but in a more indirect fashion?
Philip Melancthon and Martin Luther were traveling in the German countryside in order to begin a new reform church when they both intend they saw peasants destroying property and books, a part of this black forest peasant revolt of 1524-‘25. Engels’ explains this was the first uprising of the suppressed classes of the early modern period that wanted some basic human rights. Luther outraged at the possibilities that these serfs would destroy valuable archival books and artifacts of monasteries and other religious accoutrements, he then advocated to the German nobles and aristocracy of a suppressing the peasant revolt –by allowing in religious argument the secular forces authority to suppress the uprising in any fashion deemed necessary. Luther then advocated for the German princes to use all means necessary to put down the revolt in a worked entitled as “Against the Robbing and Murdering Hordes of Peasants” (c. May? 1525). Although Luther is not advocating a mass genocide, this indeed is what had resulted; Next year with a loss of a child, Luther became depressed. This was a major event for Europe. It communicated to the public that classism indeed was recognized as a social problem. Some historians estimated around 100,000 persons died in this conflict, mainly poor people who had only farm tools as weapons. Yet, suppression was its cause brought upon by the Christian religion which advocated that all can come to God in equal measure. Without understanding the philosophies behind such complex religious arguments, an easy social reaction allowed Münzter to stir up a tradition of repression and liberate the soul. If religion was seen by Luther as a repression tool, the peasants saw it as a liberation tool. The empirical reality came down to perspective. Although, Karl Marx advocated atheism, there is little to no evidence that serfdom was predicated upon religious doctrine in the first place. Most peasants held either pagan, agnostic or atheist views and were allowed too to keep them happy and working. It was a trade-off and understood by the Church. It was socially ingrained within the secular authority’s justifications of social agency. The peasant revolt scared the German princes who were adopting Lutheranism. It was not the religious arguments of Luther, but the social ramifications which justified their emancipation from their overlords. Out of this revolt came a need to form a doctrine of Lutherans. Charles V also wanted to arbitrate the disputes between the Protestants and Catholics, which formed a multi-purpose for the 1530 Diet of Worms. In 1555 The Diet of Augsburg represented the formation of a plan to stop the warfare between the Catholics and the Protestants. Charles wanted to come to a compromise, so at the conference it was decided that each prince or ruler of a region could call for what religion would be allowed in that region. The German princes agreed upon this compromise but did not solve the ultimate question of who was correct in history, the collective responsibility interpretation of the Catholic Church, or the personal responsibility of the Protestant movements. The Protestants were in and of themselves a social gospel movement with aims of breaking down the community and fostering individuality predicated upon pockets of groups associated with their interpretation of the Bible and tradition.
How did Nostredame find out to use of the influence of the written word? What was its relation to the common people? Was Desiderius Erasmus’ antidote her relates a clue? In Traité des fardemens et des confitures (1555, (also pub. 1557, ’58)), Nostredame mentions Desiderius Erasmus on page ten, but in context of some social influence in relation to study and to writing compared to practicing medicine in which it appears that he had failed to receive a proper license to practice medicine. In this passage, Nostredame clearly weighs the benefits of literary influence on society, whereas medicine a noble art form could not influence as many people as the written word. This was his justification for this book on Cosmetics and Recipes in which he believed he could help the common people. The conversation comes from Nostredame’s relating a story he may have heard. He relates, while in passing through Ferrara from Venice to France, Erasmus with his friend “Aldo, a great friend of Marcus Musurus, as well as of Ambrosius Leo of Noll,” had spoken with Nicolas Leonicenus on the benefits of publishing medical knowledge rather than just practicing it. As with the antidote of Erasmus’ literary influence, in the form of name-dropping, Nostredame’s prognostications tended to influence this agitated reaction on society through this new literary influence of Almanacks. The theme of writing to the common people was especially important to Erasmus. The 1559 Almanack exposed Nostradamus to this social class theme.
Social agency was also advocated by the Catholic Reformist Desiderius Erasmus, in Stultitiae Laus (writ., 1509, pub. 1511). While written in a religious context, its secular proclamations were inherent in its argument. Erasmus argued “[L]et him consider himself enriched only when he amasses wealth of his own and not of his neighbors,” and “[T]he common consent of all must be obtained.” Serfdom was predictable economic hegemony by the higher class and had been practiced with various forms of justifications throughout time. Münzter was able to communicate that in other parts of Europe, peasants lived in freedom. However, the suppressive system on Germany at the time did little to amend such observations. Peasants lived a hard life and died, with little happiness. Once they had known of there peasants’ happiness – at least in freedom—they accepted Münzter’s call to die fighting for basic human rights (although these terms were not used at this time). Repression of human beings had been observed by Nostredame, and his own reactions to his social status he had questioned.
In like fashion, the Ciompi Revolt (1378), a famous Florentine revolt because it was referenced by Karl Marx who cited its importance as the start of the modern times poor fighting back against the social controllers – the Florentine commoners rose up (most were these day-laborers in the wool industry in Florence) against the aristocracy, in a wool-trade dispute (after they had taken power) and the common revolted against the general working conditions and attempted to take over the control of the guild corporations. For a short while, this radical factional government established a classless democracy, however within a few weeks it became apparent they had no management skills. Yet for Marx, this represented classism, one class rising up against another.
This represented the common people trying to take over the role of government.
The wool carders (the Ciompi) were day laborers, usually sellers of vegetables, manual labor, etc..., they aligned with the arti minor (minor guilds who worked with dirty types of jobs for wool ( France was a main market, mainly at Lyons where the distribution centers were located)) and formed a radical faction eventually taking over the Florentine piazza ( public space), which for Florence was the political control center. For the staging ground of republican discourse, the Athenic Agora was reflected in the Italian Piazza. When vernacular prophecy came out of the monasteries and private collections, translated, digested it was the Piazza where discourse took place.
Soon the ciompi and arti-minor began to fight over how to run the trade industries and negotiate foreigner contracts. However these systems of non-oligarchy rule (usually the only educated class), traditionally held by the wealthy families, lasted in various forms for four years. The wealthy families took back control. The main reason was that democratic governments run by uneducated radicals were unable to create a stable economic environment. They fell out of favor with locals and foreigners and the old system of ruling families returned to bring things back into a natural working order. However, this revolt left a lasting impression on the patricians. Nicollò Machiavelli, in his work, Florentine History, wrote from the patrician point of view [claims who? –mjm], claiming the radical lower class had fabricated their justifications and qualifications (even in rhetoric), thus confirming his stance for the justification of the state. Marx had too understood that the uneducated ruling classes and illiterate leaders had taken over the seat of power, and this explains why they had failed miserably. No foreign entity would do business with them, and arguments must have presumed quickly, as a result. Their management skill had been absent, and their spirit was the only positive response they could muster. Once they came into control, they did not know what to do. Marx was sure of himself in that this was the first proletariat uprising in modern times. However, Marx never explains how these uneducated commoners could sustain a revolutionary takeover and rule in sustainable fashion a common classes (as classless, in economic terms). Yet for Marx, if these classes did not revolt, there would be no democratization of human rights.
The Ciompi acted in reaction to increase in wealth into the hands of the literate. This remained his main weakness for advocating a world preliterate society. Public school systems throughout the world began to take shape in the later half of the nineteenth century and this helps to explain why communist revolutionaries were able to run with some type of success for their extreme socialist governments. They had to advocate through education their system of ideology. They argued it was superior to the freedom ideologies. Education at this time in Florence and generally Europe was not consistent with the social currents or as a standard system international learning all across the continent like it is basically today. The Church and the Aristocracy were in economic positions to hire tutors for their children and start small and private grammar schools, at this time. During the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries in Italy, public education appeared as a form of helping the middle classes (I would call here the merchant class), but still in limited amounts when we speak of the common or a lower class in regards to free public education. Progressively this takes place over the sixteenth and seventeenth century, at least in Europe.
Ibid., Wilson, Nostradamus, The Evidence, brackets illustrate what Chavigny did not include in the reproduction of this almanac passage. note 4, p. 97, “Only one copy is known at this time to exist and belonged to Danial Ruzo, and has since become inaccessible following his death in 1991. Accordingly it has not been possible to check Videl’s quote against the original....from Chavigny’s Recueil manuscript, in which the same wording appears, except that the phrase ‘ selon que les astres....demonstrent’ has been omitted, which it may be assumed was one of Chavigny’s many known abbreviations from the original almanacs.”
Ibid., Wilson, Nostradamus, The Evidence, p. 85. Wilson argues that Henri’s grandmother Louise of Savoy had sacked her personal astrologer, Cornelius Agrippa, whose book “entitled ‘Of Occult Philosophy,’ had been put on the banned list [of books] by the Indices of Venice and Milan, predecessors of the subsequent, fearsome papal Index of Prohibited Books.”, p. 85, cf. note 5., p. 97, Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, New York, Columbia University Press, vol. VI, p. 146.
Jean Guérard, La chronique lyonnaise de jean Guérard, 1536-1562, ed. Jean Tricou, Lyons, 1929, p. 85, quoted in Brind’ Amour, Nostradamus Astrophile...op. cit., p. 63, n. 12, in Wilson, Nostradamus, The Evidence, quoted passage on p. 88. “This particular part of Guérard’s chronicle concerns the period [of] May 20 to July 27, 1555. Since César records his father’s departure Salon on July 14 [ today’s 25th of July]. Nostradamus probably arrives in Lyons around July 24 or 25.” Also, César would not have known about this account.
Nostradamus, M., “In seven partes of the kingdome of Fraunce, shal be assembles, seditions,
quarelles, rebellions, civill warre, whiche shal be concerning the matter of the
Hierarchie. The factions shal be great : many.....” still speaking in the context of France, Nostredame continues, “God defend us from suche conspirations, and specially the heads
and monarkes of the Christian fayth and religion” [...]. in Patrice Guinard, “Essai de reconstitution de l'Almanach pour l'an 1559,” 2007, available from http://cura.free.fr/dico-a/709F-CN75.html; Internet. This is a reproduction of the 1559 Almanack, recorded by Chavigny in 1598, of his own manuscript which fills in details to the only pirated copy of this Almanack in public archives. cf. quotations from private collectors of some extracts of this missing almanack in Thomas, Keith, “Religion and the Decline of Magic” (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1971), n. 2, p. 342. Correspondence of Mathew Parker, ed. J.Bruce & T.T.Perowne (Cambridge, P.S., 1853), pp. 59-60. For publishing versions of Nostradamus’s prognostications for 1559 and 1566 see S.T.C. A. MS copy [ see as a manuscript, it was a pirated edition, as evident by Chavigny’s 1598 inclusion of the totality of the 1559 edition in which the sum of this almanac survives to us till this day], which belonged to Lord Lumley, of the prognostication for 1560 is in B.M., Royal MS 17 Bxxxviii.].
Correspondence of Mathew Parker, ed. J.Bruce & T.T.Perowne (Cambridge, P.S., 1853), pp.59-60. in Thomas, Keith, “Religion and the Decline of Magic” (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1971), n. 2, p. 342.
One of the most powerful observances and points in Herodotus’ work is the concept of the "Sins of the Father." Regardless of what one's personal beliefs, personal actions, and personal accountability, one is always subject to their heritage -- their lineage-- their progenitor. Identification creates future accountability predicated upon ethnicity. One cannot escape something that they had no control over or so it seems. These concepts and arguments can be found in Herodotus, The Histories, 430 - 424 BC. To illustrate this argument, Herodotus begins by observing the original sin. This was Croesus, who is communicated as a tyrant; Herodotus first takes the reader back five generations with an antidote of Gyges who decided to usurp the Lydian throne in the region of western Anatolia. Herodotus’ exterior studies of his known world mainly concern the relationship between the Greeks and the Persians. The Greeks had peacefully settled on the west coast of the Aegean, and over time some of these settlements became ruled by tyrannical leaders. These events ultimately, as small as they were at the beginning, led to the historical Greco-Persian wars. Nostredame simply relates similar intrigue which had led to the Vandel’s tyrannical reactions of which was predicated on similar conquest and reactory circumstances, during the fall of Rome. The fall of Rome was not a direct result of Christianity, but a reaction to centuries of ethnic oppression and ostentations of the many Germanic tribes. Once the political fabric began to disintegrate, as Nostredame is saying here with social upheaval in the vague sense, the elements for conquest were achieved which had led to the possibilities of any outside group could march on Rome and conquer . The Sins of the father articulated by Herodotus simply intends that a single flash point begins a chain of events of devastating proportions. Even after Herodotus finishes his narrative, it would be still a result of Alexander the Great reacting to the Greco-Person wars, which if we believe Herodotus, it was the Greek settlements which a line of tyrannical leaders tended to want to expand and subjugate indigenous tribes and groups for economics and fame.
Fulke, William, Antiprognosticon, sig. Aviij. On this period see also S.V. Larkey, ‘Astrology and politics in the first years of Elizabethe’s reign’, Bull. Institute of the Hist. of Medicine, iii (1935), in Keith Thomas, “Religion and the Decline of Magic,” p. 342.
In 1516-17, Johann Tetzel, a Dominican friar and papal commissioner for indulgences, was sent to Germany to collect funds needed for the reconstruction of St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome. He targeted the less wealthy and had been specifically appointed for his salesmanship talents. According to Hans Hillerbrand “On October 31, 1517, Luther wrote to Albrecht, Archbishop of Mainz and Magdeburg, protesting the sale of indulgences. see Hillerbrand, Hans J. "Martin Luther: Indulgences and salvation," Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2007. see also “Disputation of Martin Luther on the Power and Efficacy of Indulgences."
Nostradamus, M., Traité des fardemens et des confitures , trans., Peter Lemesurier 2000 in (Propheties Online, accessed March 2009), available from http://www.propheties.it/nostradamus/1555opuscole/opuscole.html; Internet.
Ibid., Nostradamus, M., Traité des fardemens et des confitures , Nostredame claims, “Some may mock me for recording such a minor detail, which all apothecaries know about. But my main aim has been to set it down in writing for common folk and for ladies who are curious to find out, and indeed for all kinds of people.“
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